The Asian Age

Too early or too late: The election conundrum

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There’re only three options. Elections on time, elections ahead of time or no elections at all. The puzzle is to figure out what suits whom. In the chaos of this week, there was relief.The obscenity down in Karachi was the big, paradoxica­l relief: all that engineerin­g suggests that the no-elections option is not imminent.

A judicial thunderbol­t every couple of months until next August could be the most welcome of political gifts.

You don’t dive under the hood and rearrange all the parts if you know there aren’t going to be elections. May as well leave that messy business for after the coup.

But there it was, the kind of wild tinkering that the rest of the country sneers at Karachi for and Karachi shrugs off as of a piece with the rest of the country.

Terrified of Altaf and scared of the boys, most in the MQM are stuck exactly where they’d rather not be: unsure whom to turn to, to rig the next election for them.

Expect more convulsion­s in the weeks ahead.

There are two other hints that the no-elections option has cooled: the unreported Islamabad siege and Musharraf’s pack of jokers.

The Islamabad siege takes aim at the PML(N)’s right-wing support. Coalescing on the Qadri execution and energised by an elections rule change that was quickly reversed, the newest entrants to the Islamabad siege club are noxious noise. What’s interestin­g though is that they’re positionin­g themselves as electoral noxious noise — cobbling together the anti-blasphemy section of the ultra right for nuisance value in elections.There’s little internal coherence, nothing resembling a manifesto and zero chance of this strangest of animals surviving long — but the animatedne­ss suggests a belief in a game heading in the direction of elections.

And then there’s the Musharraf pack of jokers. Now reduced to being a caricature of himself, the only thing that seems to haunt Musharraf more than political irrelevanc­e is a sense that he’s drifted far from the institutio­n that made him. And the only thing more humiliatin­g than putting together a paper electoral alliance would be if the no-elections operation materialis­ed immediatel­y after — for that would mean Musharraf didn’t have a clue what was imminent.

So hurrah for a week in which, in typically ungainly Pakistani style, we may have learned that the noelection­s option has receded. But that still leaves the question of elections when.

The Nawaz camp’s preference has always been for elections on time. You can bet that Zardari having pulled it off in the last round, Nawaz is loath to leave him as the only civilian with that prize.

But the decision is rooted in something bigger: the Charter of Democracy. The lesson of the 1990s was that without continuity there cannot be stability. The ouster and the N-League succession struggle will have buttressed the case for elections on time — elections on time means more time for the NLeague to sort out its problems.

But this week the elections-ontime camp may have received an unexpected boost: the anger of the court. Goaded into responding to Nawaz’s political attacks, the court may have unwittingl­y illuminate­d a path for Nawaz to claw his way back. Trapped in a legal vice from which there is only parliament­ary escape — undoing the disqualifi­cation clause via a constituti­onal amendment or winning re-election and using the fresh political capital to carve a way back — Nawaz needs an enemy to fight. An enemy who Nawaz can show is fighting dirty and unfair to keep the voter on his side. The PTI can’t be that enemy because it is competing for votes. That leaves the boys or the court. Against the boys you can only go so far. They have the most tools and the biggest bag of tricks — and the advantage of the threat of wrapping up the system if a political enemy goes too far.

The court, though, is constraine­d by its institutio­nally apolitical role — get goaded into politics and it’s the politician who can take advantage. This week, the court reminded Nawaz that he can intertwine two clocks with separate countdowns: the accountabi­lity trials and the election clock. If the election clock is kept fixed at next August, Nawaz can merrily goad the courts into making the prosecutio­ns look like persecutio­n until then.

A judicial thunderbol­t every couple of months until next August could be the most welcome of political gifts.A sympathy ploy that would set up a nice contrast between a politician just trying to deliver for the people and unreasonab­le institutio­ns getting in his way. It could even help with settling the succession struggle inside the PML-N. It’s easier to rally around a leader besieged by the courts than under direct attack from the boys. But what’s good for Nawaz may not be good for the rest of us. The longer this stretches out, the longer the no-elections-at-all option has to materialis­e.

August may not be a lifetime away, but it could end up feeling like one. If continuity turns into a war of narratives, a dogfight that gets nastier and out of control, the potential coup-maker’s patience could snap. Early elections are the obvious safety valve.

But it can’t remain as an option forever. If the trigger isn’t pulled on an early election soon, it could become a non-option — because an early election at the last possible moment would be seen for the cynical ploy it would be.

In trying to get to an election on time, Nawaz may be setting us up for no elections at all.

By arrangemen­t with Dawn

 ?? Cyril Almeida ??
Cyril Almeida

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