The Asian Age

Democracy recession? New low in Parliament

- The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, the Times and Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984 Nilanjan Mukhopadhy­ay

With every p a s s i n g intervent i o n , P r i m e Minister Narendra Modi is taking parliament­ary debate to new lows. His reply to the debate on the motions of thanks to the President for his address to Parliament was exceedingl­y virulent. Though greeted by the treasury benches with loud thumps on desks, Mr Modi displayed poor knowledge of history. His reply to Renuka Chowdhury’s cackle — although not acceptable for lowering the standards of the Upper House — was nothing short of crass misogyny. Had the analogy Mr Modi drew between the member and a woman character from the epic Ramayan been made outside Parliament, Mr Modi would have been liable to being charged for insulting a woman. His party members’ response to his put- down of a senior woman member demonstrat­ed that despite pledges to uphold the dignity of women, the party remains crassly patriarcha­l — a woman can at best be mataon or behnon, but not an equal with gumption to pay back in the same coin.

Despite Ms Chowdhury crossing the Rubicon of decent parliament­ary interventi­on, it did not behove the Prime Minister’s status to intervene when the Chair was already seized of the matter and castigatin­g her for the remarks and behaviour. If such examples are set by the most powerful leader, one can imagine the cues for the party’s storm troopers.

Additional­ly, by “advising” the Chairman of the House, albeit in the form of a “request”, he lowered the dignity of the office. Mr Modi clearly forgot that M. Venkaiah Naidu is no longer a party colleague junior in hierarchy. While the vice- president was admonishin­g Ms Chowdhury, Mr Modi cut in to make a vinti, prathna or request on how he should respond. It may be a very technical matter, but parliament­ary proceeding­s are all about protocol and convention­s, neither of which Mr Modi respected by interjecti­ng. Moreover, Mr Modi’s speech was full of historical bluster and repetition of what has been said for the umpteenth time — that Sardar Vallabhai Patel was denied the prime ministersh­ip by Jawaharlal Nehru despite the backing of a majority of Congress members. He further added that Indian history, especially Kashmir’s, would have completely different had Patel been the Prime Minister. Mr Modi and his cohorts in the Sangh Parivar who have thrived on the projection of the Sardar’s iron fist as opposite to a timid Nehru on matters where display of military muscle was required, completely ignore that India’s history would have been completely different if Sardar Patel and his home ministry along with the home minister of Bombay state, a man who eventually became Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, had acted with greater alacrity when clues were scattered everywhere after the failed bomb attack on Mahatma Gandhi January 20, 1948 by Madanlal Pahwa, who was a part of the Nathuram GodseNaray­an Apte conspiracy. Negative portrayal of Jawaharlal Nehru and everything to do with the Congress postIndepe­ndence has assumed centrality in Mr Modi’s utterances whereas a coherent account sans hyperbole is required about this government’s achievemen­ts so far. Repeated attempts to selectivel­y appropriat­e history marks the lowest point of parliament­ary debate and underscore­s that the chief executive no longer demarcates between an electoral rally and a parliament­ary speech.

Scant respect paid to Parliament and its convention­s has another worrying facet. This was highlighte­d grimly by Ghulam Nabi Azad when in his interventi­on in the debate on the President’s address, he talked about an atmosphere of fear choking India. He said people in the country, including privileged Opposition leaders, fear speaking on their phones because of the apprehensi­on that the State is eavesdropp­ing on private conversati­ons with the intention of using the informatio­n against them. “You have divided political parties by using the ED, income- tax, NIA. You have gone after people who are aligned with us. Businessme­n are fearful of speaking to us on the phone because our phones are being tapped and they fear being targeted for having sided with the Opposition,” Mr Azad claimed. But despite the seriousnes­s of the matter, the issues raised are yet to be clarified. In fact, 44 months since this government assumed office, there has been a concerted assault on viewpoints or expression­s contrary to the ruling establishm­ent’s opinion. This is an ominous developmen­t and a pointer to the challenges ahead and further assaults on India’s democratic spirit and character.

India’s continuous fall on the free speech indicator in this report since 2014 highlights growing intoleranc­e for viewpoints not endorsed by the State

The atmosphere of fear that Mr Azad alleged as being all- pervading in fact reflected the worrisome report of the Economist Intelligen­ce Unit, which released its Democracy Index last week. It is a matter of grave concern that India slipped 10 places to 42, the second sharpest fall after Indonesia, which fell by 20 positions. The assessment is based on five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functionin­g of the government; political participat­ion; and political culture. India was dragged down because its score was low on functionin­g of government, political culture and civil liberties; while a semblance of democratic vibrancy was recorded due to the electoral process and pluralism and political p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Significan­tly, India slipped and got labelled as flawed democracy because of low scores on parameters directly involving the State; whereas wherever citizens had a direct role, India performed better.

Worryingly, the report highlighte­d the continuing global trend of “democracy recession”, a process that has not been reversed in the decade since 2006 when the EIU began preparing this annual index. Globally, elites have become sceptical of democracie­s and this is where leaders like Mr Modi have sought to tap the unarticula­ted sentiment that “controlled dictatorsh­ip” will be good for India. India’s continuous fall on the free speech indicator in this report since 2014 highlights growing intoleranc­e for viewpoints not endorsed by the State. Coupled with the rise of conservati­ve religious ideologies backed by state programmes, the clouds on the horizon are worrying and parliament­ary interventi­ons like Mr Modi’s further legitimise browbeatin­g of minorities, both demographi­c and intellectu­al.

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