The Asian Age

Govt ‘ failure’ over PNB threat to its credibilit­y

- Nilanjan Mukhopadhy­ay

On Wednesday morning, I chuckled after looking at the front page of a business newspaper. The lead headline started into my face: “FM: What were auditors doing?” The report on Arun Jaitley’s address at the 41st annual meeting of the Associatio­n of Developmen­t Financing Institutio­ns in Asia and the Pacific stated that after posing the question highlighte­d in the headline, he pronounced the diagnosis: “Both internal and external auditors really have looked the other way or failed to detect.” In the first official response of the finance minister after the fraud was detected at PNB involving jeweller Nirav Modi and Mehul Choksi of the Gitanjali group, Mr Jaitley neither revealed his “treatment plan”, nor did he provide any explanatio­n why no monitoring system exists in the wake of auditors failing to do their jobs. In essence, he said that such- and- such persons failed to do their jobs. Period. He provided no answer to the thought that emerged from his assertion — who is to act when auditors fail or wilfully abjure their tasks.

In the run- up to the 2014 general election, Narendra Modi had used several “smart” slogans — one of which was “minimum government, maximum governance”. Promises of “action” by a “decisive leader” struck a chord in a nation gripped with “policy paralysis”. Yet, Mr Jaitley’s vapid assertion is proof that the government got its linguistic ikebana wrong — it’s not even providing minimum governance because in its urgency to demonstrat­e commitment towards decontrol — “we want you to be autonomous”, the government failed in its basic job of ensuring each institutio­n and office does its job. After all, a pledge not to interfere in the day- to- day functionin­g of autonomous institutio­ns does not mean the government can absolve itself of its responsibi­lity. The buck must stop nowhere but at the top.

Mr Jaitley declared that the “management ... was found lacking ( because) you are unable to check who among them were delinquent”, but took no accountabi­lity, taking cover behind Mr Modi’s promise to usher institutio­nal autonomy in the financial sector. Worryingly, the government’s failure to play the role of the “super- watchdog” stems not from genuine devotion to decentrali­sation but to the dominating centralism that has become its hallmark: since most crucial orders will be issued by people at the top of the hierarchy, why should the “dirty job” be done by others. To make officials responsibl­e, it is necessary to provide them with the power to take decisions.

The Modi government’s biggest failure is in making the bureaucrac­y — in government­s and in quasi- government bodies — stakeholde­rs in a popular administra­tion. It is pertinent to recall the sense of relief and expectatio­n after the 2014 verdict. Then, most officials considered the UPA’s biggest weaknesses were a feeble leadership stemming from the Congress’ dual power- centre and its decision to “outsource policymaki­ng” to an outside group, the National Advisory Council. But within months it became evident that the Prime Minister’s Office was a behemoth which instead of being the nerve- centre had become the whole body. Added to this was the realisatio­n that fears over Mr Modi working with “connected companies”, enabling crony capitalism to flourish, were true. It was not enough to please the boss, his friends too had to be kept humoured!

Skeletons tumbling out of Nirav Modi- Mehul Choksi vaults show close connection­s of the people involved — someone’s son is another’s son- in- law, yet another’s uncle is somebody’s father- inlaw, and the wife of one is the niece of another. If this is not enough proof of continuing cronyism under Mr Modi, then one wonders what further evidence is required. But Mr Modi’s worst nightmare is a common surname. For most people, it makes little difference whether “this” Modi is a Jain by faith while the “real” one is a Hindu — in any case Jains are considered “honorary” Hindus by constituti­onal definition under Article 25( 2)( b) and Hindutva argument!

The day after the first disclosure of Punjab National Bank on the fraud, the backers of Narendra Modi and this government got into hyperactiv­e mode canvassing that since the Modi- Choksi combine had been perpetuati­ng the fraud since 2011, this too was a UPA- era scam and kudos were actually due to this government for “unearthing” this swindle. Not just with this allegation, but on other issues too, the Narendra Modi government’s continuing affliction with the belief in

Unless the government provides incontrove­rtible evidence that the amount of money guaranteed by PNB was more before Mr Modi became PM, it will be impossible to mount a credible defence the Congress- Nehru-Gandhi- UPA’s omnipresen­ce and omnipotenc­e is doing its image no good. Instead of winning more people to its side of the argument, as Narendra Modi did progressiv­ely in 2012- 14, the flow has been reversed.

The Prime Minister’s silence is on expected lines given the track record. But there are certain disclosure­s that are necessary if the government’s credibilit­y is to be retained. It’s not enough to mount a campaign on the social media that the fraud is a UPA legacy. If so, this must be substantia­ted with facts establishi­ng that more LoUs were issued in the pre- Modi era than after May 2014. Unless the government provides incontrove­rtible evidence that the amount of money guaranteed by PNB was more before Mr Modi became Prime Minister, it will be impossible to mount a credible defence.

True, the PNB scam is not the first fraud perpetuate­d on the banking system by a handful of unscrupulo­us business people with connection­s in high places, and who may — or may not — have used their associatio­n with the mighty of the land to entice deviant officials. But this is no ordinary government as Mr Modi came to office after pledging “na khaoonga, na khaane doonga”. Sooner or later parliament­ary scrutiny, as in the Harshad Mehta and Ketan Parekh cases, when joint parliament­ary committees were establishe­d and the highest questioned, will be sought by the Opposition. Without demur, the government must accept the demand. The Modi- Choksi fraud is not the first incident when this government has been found deficient in tackling corruption and continued failure will only add to Prime Minister Modi’s woes.

The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, the Times and Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984

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