The Asian Age

Deregulati­ng varsities: Quality is the real issue

- Shashidhar Nanjundaia­h BASELESS CLAIM S. S. Paul Nadia, West Bengal LALU’S ONLY HOPE TIME TO CELEBRATE

Reccently the human resources developmen­t ministry, which oversees all higher education in the country, granted autonomy to India’s 52 universiti­es and eight colleges that “maintained high standards” ( 3.26 or above in NAAC’s assessment). With the implementa­tion of this decision, these universiti­es — five Central, 21 state, 24 deemed and two private — can now set incentive- based salaries to faculty, start new courses and academic programmes, including those online, off- campus centres, skill developmen­t courses and research parks. They will also have the freedom to hire foreign faculty, enrol foreign students, enter into academic collaborat­ions and run open distance learning programmes. This kind of autonomy should normally be welcomed if it yields the intended results. But does it?

News reports claim this selective deregulati­on was a “historic decision”. It’s indeed an important decision — for the 60 institutes concerned. Autonomy is poised to provide a boost to competitiv­eness and differenti­ation. By giving freedom to select universiti­es, the HRD ministry has co- opted them into a close perimeter. Inter- university cooperatio­n, lacking in India, may improve among the selected universiti­es. With the availabili­ty of potentiall­y unique curricula, universiti­es can finally differenti­ate their services and delivery, and their products, the graduates. A comparativ­e, experienti­al observatio­n of independen­t and UGC systems will reveal independen­t institutes that have adequate leeway to construct curricula and obtain UGC approval later. This should mean universiti­es already have the opportunit­y to differenti­ate themselves qualitativ­ely.

Therefore, in the current deregulato­ry move, the better performers win. This would be like a corporate model. Primarily, universiti­es that have built themselves up to popular levels enjoy the luxury of admitting students with proven high performanc­e at school grades, standardis­ed tests and other admission criteria. But in our vastly heterogene­ous nation, there are also other factors: the social environmen­t, economic status and availabili­ty of career counsellin­g. The worry that remains is that universiti­es that are unable to attract such “good performers” will also be unable to meet other standards and resources. Most administra­tors will admit the real challenge with the UGC is the politics attached to it, along with bureaucrat­ic hurdles that often compel universiti­es to resign themselves to merely complying with the basics.

Private participat­ion is higher education’s big thing, so competitiv­eness makes sense. The number of universiti­es has grown exponentia­lly in India in this decade, from 367 in 2009 to 833 in 2017, and the share of private ( state- legislated) universiti­es has grown the most dramatical­ly in that period, from a mere three per cent to 34 per cent of the mix. Several new private universiti­es have invested in highqualit­y intellectu­al capital coupled with the right vision. These universiti­es have invested in differenti­ating themselves on outcomes and processes. Should outcomes be industry- driven or society- driven? Either way, tangible outcomes are factors of processes such as accountabi­lity and training that are within the regulatory guidelines, but are not well- implemente­d. Profession­ally and socially meaningful outcomes need better measuremen­t tools. While a February 2018 AICTE report with CII and private research agencies claims that employabil­ity has gone up year- onyear over the past four years, an independen­t industry report in the same month by Nasscom suggests that issues in employabil­ity and competency have actually exacerbate­d.

Currently, most of our universiti­es suffer from uniformity, which does not offer the competitiv­e edge. Individual universiti­es should focus on envisioned outcomes that are specific. Together with internally achievable imperative­s like faculty training and curricular reform, universiti­es can create qualitativ­e differenti­ators. It’s thus possible for universiti­es to be competitiv­e within the existing framework. Universiti­es that wish to adopt a more profession­al approach to higher education may do so within the UGC norms, as the 60 institutes have shown. Rather than continuing to blame our schooling systems and political governance, universiti­es have the power to enhance their delivery systems even within the ambit of the UGC and improve on the parameters that will produce qualitativ­ely superior graduates.

This may require universiti­es to go beyond the basic mandates of the UGC in terms of curricula and delivery systems. For example, these newly- freed universiti­es should play a new role in fostering cooperatio­n by facilitati­ng credit transfers. Meanwhile, the UGC should take on the task of facilitati­ng interunive­rsity collaborat­ions, beginning with credit transfers and research across universiti­es. In 2014, the UGC introduced the credit transfer system to all Central universiti­es under the Choice- Based Transfer System. This system can

The universiti­es that achieved the NAAC grading also somewhat paradoxica­lly evidence the reality that serious- minded educators can indeed succeed within a given framework apply to be implemente­d among these 52 universiti­es and eight colleges, to begin with.

Coming as it does a year before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, questions are already being raised of course about the selective deregulati­on. It’s ironic that among these universiti­es are the ones that have been at the cynosure of controvers­y — including Jawaharlal Nehru University and Aligarh Muslim University, often the whipping boys of the BJP, as well as Banaras Hindu University, which witnessed a revolt of sorts last year against its vicechance­llor, an RSS man. Notwithsta­nding the deregulati­on, let us also acknowledg­e that where applicable, state government­s’ fee regulation­s and the AICTE’s monitoring should be assumed to be very much in play.

The selective deregulati­on has the potential to serve as a disincenti­ve to the universiti­es that did not make the list, because the chosen universiti­es can now aggressive­ly expand their footprint, further cementing their leadership positions. This will only help widen the gap between the autonomy- haves and have- nots. If the government is serious about higher education in general, student- driven assessment metrics must be designed. What did a university or college do to transform a student into a better performer, socially and profession­ally?

On the other hand, the current form of incentivis­ing also means that the universiti­es and colleges that operated — even suffered — under the same UGC system as did all other universiti­es and colleges scored over them. At best, autonomy seems to be a reward for qualitativ­e superiorit­y. Yet the universiti­es that achieved the NAAC grading also somewhat paradoxica­lly evidence the reality that seriousmin­ded educators can indeed succeed within a given framework.

The writer has headed private media colleges and is a higher education expert. He has lived and worked in both India and the United States. Apropos your news report, Shah slams TDP chief’s decision to leave NDA ( March 25), Amit Shah’s allegation against the TDP chief is unfounded. The TDP quit the NDA only after the Centre’s refusal to grant “special status” for Andhra Pradesh on the grounds of its acceptance of removal of special category status ( SCS) recommende­d by the 14th Finance Commission in 2015. There is no denying that the BJP has given short shrift to its allies after getting an absolute majority on its own in the 2014 general election. BESET WITH a number of criminal cases and a couple of conviction­s, Lalu Prasad Yadav can totally wriggle out of the morass only if the UPA gets a majority in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. That victory will ensure that either ( i) all the cases against Lalu are withdrawn, or ( ii) the prosecutio­n deliberate­ly puts up a weak case leaving no option for the courts but to acquit Lalu, or ( iii) the concerned statute, under which Lalu has been accused, could be amended to exempt former Central ministers and exchief ministers from any legal action. Arun Malankar Mumbai IT IS a misery if a nation’s playground­s are turned into battlegrou­nds by terrorists that cause destructio­n and inflict pain on its people. Amid this terrorism, the Afghan cricket team has qualified for the 2019 World Cup and has given its terror- stricken country a reason to celebrate. Battling all the odds, the side has played classical cricket in recent times. Now it is an appropriat­e time for the Internatio­nal Cricket Council to start involving them in bilateral series against top teams of the world. It will help them to get experience by leaps and bounds at the national level. Abdul Jabbar Kanpur

 ??  ??
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from India