The Asian Age

Growing worries about Aadhaar and the misuse of personal data

In the digital world, data is property. Informatio­n about an individual is central to targeting her or him commercial­ly or otherwise depending on the use to which data is put.

- Kapil Sibal

Aadhaar, the brainchild of the UPA government, was envisioned to be a technology solution. It was intended to ensure that subsidies granted to the poor and marginalis­ed reached targeted beneficiar­ies of the Public Distributi­on System ( PDS) and that such benefits were not siphoned off. The unique Aadhaar number was to prevent leakages in the system. It was sought to be made mandatory under Section 57 of the Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services Act, 2016 ( also known as Aadhaar Act) which was passed and notified by the NDA government in 2016, even in respect of transactio­ns that are unrelated to subsidies.

Today, the use of Aadhaar has been extended beyond the PDS and the delivery of subsidised benefits. Private enterprise­s are, as a matter of law, entitled to insist on an individual’s identifica­tion through Aadhaar with respect to transactio­ns that are purely private in nature. These include opening a bank account, buying a mobile phone, taking a flight from one destinatio­n to another and even for a railway journey. An employer is empowered by law to insist for Aadhaar identifica­tion. Therefore, biometric and iris data today is not just confined to the PDS, but is available with other government department­s, non- government institutio­ns and the private sector. That data is required for fertilizer subsidies and by telecom operators, banks and other entities for providing services. Serious concerns have been raised about the leakage of this Unique Identifica­tion Number ( UIN), which has implicatio­ns for our fundamenta­l freedom.

Personal informatio­n, including Aadhaar identifica­tion, has been hacked and has reached the hands of those not entitled to access it. In the case of banks, if a customer’s Aadhaar number is hacked, then it is possible to hack the individual’s bank account, making the recovery of hacked money impossible. The hacker is incognito and hidden behind layers of secrecy which is cumbersome to unveil. In an investigat­ion by the Tribune in January 2018, a correspond­ent, by paying merely ` 500 to an anonymous person on WhatsApp, was able to gain instant access to the Aadhaar data, including addresses, phone numbers, photograph­s and e- mail IDs, of individual­s.

A person is born with her or his biometrics. The data in relation thereto is at the heart of the right to privacy, now recognised as a fundamenta­l right. Such data, in the context of the right to privacy, should not be disclosed without the consent of the individual. That consent, if and when given, should be informed consent. Once Aadhaar is made mandatory, the concept of consent is given the go- by in respect of the biometrics of a person, which is his or her personal property.

CHALLENGES IN IMPLEMENTA­TION

The process of implementa­tion of the Aadhaar scheme has also thrown up issues that need to be addressed seriously. The first issue relates to the potential misuse of the data collected by the State — data which is mandatory to share not only for subsidies for which money flows from the Consolidat­ed Fund of India, but also in reference to private transactio­ns.

Why should the State, in the context of “metadata” collected under this act, get to know when and in which bank I opened an account; which flight I took on which airline and when; which ticket I bought for a journey and at which railway station?

In the digital world, data is property. Informatio­n about an individual is central to targeting her or him commercial­ly or otherwise depending on the use to which data is put. An individual’s choice for a particular product amongst the range of products offered is a choice personal to the customer. The exercise of that choice is known to the platform on which it is exercised. A range of individual choices made in the context of these platforms in dealing with commercial transactio­ns gives a window of opportunit­y to enhance user experience in order to lure the customer. Since that choice is personal to the customer, any informatio­n related to it should be protected from third parties. However, there are some digital platforms, especially Facebook, where individual­s share informatio­n about themselves in multifario­us ways. That amounts to voluntaril­y sharing informatio­n with third parties, not necessaril­y known to the individual.

Once data is in the public domain, we cannot retrieve it. The largest multinatio­nals in the world — Facebook, Google, Amazon and Uber — own no physical assets. They only manipulate data. It is the most powerful tool today, and like any other technology, can be misused. Corporatio­ns collect and use data, which in turn, can be leaked or sold. We have seen how Cambridge Analytica harvested data for electoral benefit. There have been charges that Russians sought to interfere in the 2016 US presidenti­al election. Data can be a threat to democracy, especially in the hands of a government. This is an affront to the fundamenta­l values of democracy.

So, the question that we must ask ourselves is: Should we allow this data to be stored in the hands of the State? Then there is the issue of those receiving biometrics. In the process of taking biometrics, the concerned entity can store biometrics without the knowledge of the individual concerned. Thereafter, that informatio­n can be used or misused if and when it enters the public domain. The use of an individual’s biometrics without her or his knowledge could mean that a benefit intended for a particular individual could be diverted to someone not entitled to it.

Over and above, there is the problem of change in biometrics on account of ageing, injury, illness or manual labour. A large part of the Indian population is involved in manual labour— women working in tea plantation­s, people employed in brick kilns, quarrying and farming. The multifario­us ways in which manual labourers use their hands to earn a daily wage impacts their biometrics. These beneficiar­ies, therefore, are suffering as Aadhaar has been made mandatory for availing benefits. Many people, it is reported, have died because of their inability to receive benefits to which they were entitled. Imagine a widow being deprived of her pensionary benefits, vital for her survival.

This is also true of the entitlemen­t to food grains for the marginaliz­ed.

The government insists that if a person seeks an entitlemen­t in the form of subsidy by the State, the said person is required in law to part with data relating to his or her biometrics. The fallacy in the argument lies in the fact that a person’s entitlemen­t has no relationsh­ip to her or his biometrics, but relates to her or his status to receive that entitlemen­t. A widow is entitled to pension because she is a widow. Similarly, a person living below the poverty line is entitled to subsidized foodgrains because of that person’s economic status. This has nothing to do with a person’s biometric data. This logic applies equally to subsidised LPG and other benefits. The question then is, why prescribe only one form of identity for entitlemen­t to such benefits when entitlemen­ts relate to the social or economic status of individual­s? It would be unreasonab­le not to allow the person entitled to such benefits a proof of identity other than Aadhaar.

The act, which recognizes no other form of identifica­tion other than Aadhaar, makes for a highly iniquitous, discrimina­tory framework.

The Constituti­on recognises only one identity — that of a citizen of India. But a passport of a person, even though it is the most authentic document proving a person’s status as a citizen, is not recognized under the Aadhaar Act as an appropriat­e document for establishi­ng identity.

Since the name of a person who is not a citizen of India cannot be included in the electoral roll, therefore, ideally, a voter’s identity card should be an acceptable document for establishi­ng identity. That, too, is not recognized by the Aadhaar Act. This makes the functionin­g of the Aadhaar Act oppressive and, in a sense, disenfranc­hises those entitled to subsidies even though they are citizens of India.

Given the track record of this government, my worry about Aadhaar is that data generated will be used for electoral purposes. Data regarding Aadhaar is collected by both private players as well as government agencies. We have witnessed very disturbing instances of vital data being leaked, with individual­s and entities willing to part with it for commercial or other reasons. This is worrisome because the whole concept of Aadhaar is based on improving the quality of services, subject to the constituti­onal right to privacy. Technology and advanced computing open the gateway to collecting and collating data for public good. Use of such data may also subvert democracy. Agencies may use this data for political purposes.

The National Population Register does not indicate the caste or religion of individual­s. But that is not difficult to determine given that the names belonging to certain castes and associated with certain religions can easily be identified and targeted during elections. Data and metadata collected through Aadhaar can, and is likely to, be misused. It can benefit political parties who are in power both at the Centre and the states. This should worry us all.

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 ??  ?? By KAPIL SIBAL Rupa Publicatio­ns pp 247; 595
By KAPIL SIBAL Rupa Publicatio­ns pp 247; 595

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