The Asian Age

Nationalis­m is eroding democracy

- Zarrar Khuhro By arrangemen­t with Dawn

To some this will read like apologia. To others it will perhaps seem like a last, defeated gasp escaping the throats of those being slowly digested in the belly of the beast. It may be both, and more. After all, fascism isn’t just knocking on your door; it’s in your living room and has put up its dirty feet on the table. And blasphemy charges are yesterday’s news, now we have a form of secular blasphemy — treason they call it — weaponised patriotism modelled after the successful weaponisat­ion of religion. Or so it seems. Because this is an amorphous sort of attack, with no real front to fight against; there’s no single sword stroke to be blocked but rather hundreds of tiny cuts on an individual level but deadly as a whole. It’s hard not to admire the intricate design of the machine even as it grinds you down.

“Open your eyes”, shout a few impassione­d souls as they clutch constituti­onal articles like the flimsy paper shields they are. “Why can’t you see that we are fighting for your rights?” they ask a disinteres­ted and increasing­ly hostile populace. Now you can disagree with the more hyperbolic parts of their argument, but it is hard — if we are to be honest — to reject it entirely.

But there is some ( cold) comfort to be had in the fact that we are by no means alone or unique in this drift; there is some solace to be had in the fact that it could be a lot worse. In China and Saudi Arabia democracy has always been anathema. Both states are now in the process of further centralisi­ng control in the hands of their rulers. Chinese President Xi Jinping is now possibly the most powerful ruler since Mao Zedong — buoyed by China’s economic miracle that challenges the very argument that democracy is the surest route to economic growth.

In Saudi Arabia, to the amazement of overly hopeful Western commentato­rs, economic reform and social liberalisa­tion have not led to democratis­ation; quite the contrary, as the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammad Bin Salman upends traditiona­l structures and concentrat­es power in his own person. Instead, in both states the ideologica­l underpinni­ngs are simply switching from religion ( communism can be considered a secular ‘ religion’ for this purpose) to nationalis­m. The same can be said of Russia which, after a brief experiment, reverted to type with “Czar” Putin ruling in the classic Russian manner.

In Turkey, an increasing­ly authoritar­ian Erdogan — buoyed by nationalis­m — was swept back to power with 53 per cent of the vote in an election that saw a staggering 86 per cent turnout. The Turkish people made their choice. Democratic values, or even lip service to those values, are nowhere to be seen in the Middle East. Yes, Israel is technicall­y a democracy but is de facto an apartheid state injecting itself with toxic nationalis­m, racism and religious superiorit­y.

That’s a popular drug these days, and all we have to do is look next door at India to see the consequenc­es. It is a democracy, but one with a voting population that is increasing­ly and actively being radicalise­d by a right- wing ruling elite, which has its divisive messages amplified by a shrill rightwing media owned by corporatio­ns that are close to the ruling party. Dissent is treason, and lists of inconvenie­nt activists — labelled as urban Naxalites — make the rounds on social media and are proudly and widely shared. Murderers are garlanded by government officials and child rapists have rallies held in their favour simply because their victims belonged to the “wrong” faith. Democratic? Yes. Secular? Yes, technicall­y. Increasing­ly fascist despite all this? Absolutely. It is a developing case study of a democracy in the process of rejecting democratic values.

Is this a passing phase, a temporary tide that will soon recede or is the world reverting to type after a brief democratic spring? Perhaps. But at the moment, as Bob Dylan wrote, “you don’t need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows”.

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