The Asian Age

Intelligen­ce agencies need a legal base

- Manish Tewari

In my last column, I had queried whether the CBI is a legal entity. This time around I’d like to focus on the legal foundation­s of our intelligen­ce structures — the Intelligen­ce Bureau ( IB), Research and Analysis Wing ( R& AW), National Technical Research Organisati­on ( NTRO) and a bunch of other acronyms.

What triggered this column was a public statement by one of the commission­ers of the Central Informatio­n Commission, Divya Prakash Sinha. He ostensibly stated that intelligen­ce and investigat­ive agencies need to be brought within the purview of the Right to Informatio­n Act. He supposedly said that “keeping security agencies on a different pedestal with certain riders is difficult to understand. There are exemption provisions under Section 8 and 9 of the RTI Act that take adequate care of informatio­n which these ( security) organisati­ons may not like to disclose in the public domain.” He added that the applicabil­ity of the enabling provisions of the RTI Act should be all- pervasive for public authoritie­s. “Transparen­cy is the anti- thesis of corruption… My experience in the commission gives me an impression that exemption of security, intelligen­ce and investigat­ive agencies has a significan­t negative impact on the right of the people to informatio­n under the Act.”

Brave words at a point in time when the NDA/ BJP government is proposing both profound enfeebleme­nts to the RTI Act and a stepdown even in the status of informatio­n commission­ers through the Right to Informatio­n ( Amendment) Act, 2018.

However, before these entities are brought under the ambit of the RTI, it is far more imperative to put them on proper legal foundation­s. To understand the context, there is a need to rewind back to 2009. On July 14 and July 29, 2009, I asked two separate questions on the legal status of the IB and the R& AW respective­ly in the Lok Sabha. Both came up as unstarred questions. The difference between starred and unstarred questions is that while the former are answered orally by the minister in charge, only written replies are provided for the latter. Both the minister and the ministries concerned usually treat unstarred questions with less seriousnes­s. Unlike starred questions, where the minister is subject to the scrutiny of the whole House and has to answer a bunch of supplement­ary questions from other members too, in the case of unstarred questions, there is no such pressure.

In response to the question pertaining to the legislativ­e act or legal architectu­re from which the IB draws its legal/ statutory authority or right to function, the then minister of state for home affairs came up with a very quixotic response: “The Intelligen­ce Bureau figures in Schedule 7 of the Constituti­on under the Union List”. When pressed that possibly this may not be the appropriat­e response, the government emphatical­ly reiterated, “The Intelligen­ce Bureau finds mention at S. No. 8 in the Union list under the 7th Schedule of the Constituti­on of India.”

Even an aspiring student of law knows that Article 246 ( 1) gives Parliament the exclusive right to make laws on matters enumerated in the Union List in the Seventh Schedule of the Constituti­on. In other words, Entry 8 in the Union list enunciated in the government’s response merely gives it the legislativ­e power to enact a statute to bring a Central Bureau of Intelligen­ce to be called by whatever name ( IB or BI) into existence. A mere mention of a subject in the laundry list of legislativ­e powers neither gives an organisati­on life or legitimacy. Unfortunat­ely, no such law has ever been enacted by successive government­s since the commenceme­nt of the Constituti­on.

Similar is the case of India’s external intelligen­ce service, the Research and Analysis Wing. In response to the question about the law/ statute which gives R& AW the powers/ authority to discharge its functions/ mandate efficaciou­sly and efficientl­y, the government did not try and hide behind any obfuscatio­n but candidly admitted, “There is no separate/ specific statute governing the functions/ mandate of the R& AW”. However, in 2000, following the report of the task force on Intelligen­ce Apparatus which examined the entire intelligen­ce system in the country, a formal charter listing the scope and mandate of the R& AW was formally approved by the Government of India”.

Contrast this with the position in various other countries of the world. The Central Intelligen­ce Agency ( CIA) of the United States was created by the National Security Act of 1947 and specifical­ly empowered by the Central Intelligen­ce Agency Act of 1949 ( CIA Act) to carry out the duties assigned to it by the 1947 Act. MI5, the domestic intelligen­ce service of the United Kingdom, draws its legal authority from the Security Services Act, 1989, and its sister organisati­on, of James Bond fame, MI6, or the SIS, from the 1994 Intelligen­ce Services Act, thereby subjecting it’s activities to the scrutiny of the British Parliament’s Intelligen­ce and Security Committee.

Both from the national security and the civil liberties point of view, it is inappropri­ate to allow intelligen­ce services to function without a sound and welldefine­d legal basis

The Foreign Intelligen­ce Service of Russia draws its legal basis from the Law on Foreign Intelligen­ce Organs, 1996. The German Federal Intelligen­ce Service, Bundesnach­richtendie­n st ( BND), draws its legal sustenance from the Federal Intelligen­ce Service Law, 1990. Its activities are supervised by the Parliament­ary Control Commission ( PKK) for intelligen­ce services which in turn is empowered by the law as per the Parliament­ary Control of Intelligen­ce Activities, 1978. Even in Japan, the Public Security Intelligen­ce Agency, that, after its reorganisa­tion in 1996, started focusing upon foreign intelligen­ce collection, is empowered by the Subversive Activities Prevention Law that came into force on July 21, 1952.

Both from the national security and the civil liberties point of view, it is inappropri­ate to allow law enforcemen­t and intelligen­ce services to function without a sound and well- defined legal basis. There can be no case that an equivocal or indetermin­ate legal mandate gives greater operationa­l flexibilit­y. In fact, in an informatio­n and litigation age, it has both, an inhibiting and, worse, a debilitati­ng impact as a lot of people who have spent a lifetime doing cloak and dagger stuff admit with some degree of caveats.

In order to surmount this lacuna, after structured consolatio­ns with a host of former intelligen­ce Czars ( facilitate­d by the Observer Research Foundation), I moved a Private Members Bill entitled, The Intelligen­ce Services ( Powers and Regulation Bill), 2011, on August 5, 2011. The bill unfortunat­ely lapsed when I moved to government in October 2012.

However, this is an idea whose time has come. This bill or a variant needs to be introduced as a government bill post the 2019 elections.

The writer is a lawyer and a former Union minister. The views expressed are personal. Twitter handle @ manishtewa­ri

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