The Asian Age

Religious intoleranc­e has increased in Pak with hate narratives

- Muhammad Amir Rana

The way Hindu temples were vandalised and private properties destroyed recently in Sindh’s Ghotki district is yet another reminder that the challenge of religiousl­y inspired violent extremism is bigger than we thought. Moving beyond a shallow condemnati­on, the government will certainly have to act to increase the cost of committing such violence, that too on spurious grounds. Apart from the specific measure related to the Ghotki incident, two things must be done to protect all religious minorities in Pakistan from violence. First, the groups and individual­s using faith to gain political and religious influence should be strictly dealt with under the law. Secondly, the state should demonstrat­e zero tolerance towards hate narratives being disseminat­ed online and in other ways by extremist religious groups, individual­s and their supporters. A clear, unequivoca­l message should be sent that the state alone is the custodian of the constituti­onal rights of all citizens, irrespecti­ve of their faith. The fear expressed by the majoritari­an mindset that religious minorities could harm the sovereignt­y of Pakistan is simply baseless. For one, patriotism cannot be reduced to religion alone without declaring non-Muslims in Pakistan as non-citizens.

A general argument can be made that Pakistan’s power elites have been patronisin­g religious, ethnic, cultural and racial disagreeme­nts to further their regime, instead of looking at the diversity of religious, cultural and societal opinion in Pakistan as a sign of inclusiven­ess and plurality. That has significan­tly damaged the country’s social fabric, mainly its humanistic values such as empathy and compassion, which safeguard individual­s and societies from hate and aggression.

Irrespecti­ve of its geographic­al location and its religious or secular tendencies, if a society possesses a sense of majoritari­an supremacy or is hyper nationalis­tic or harbours a collective sense of hatred and aggression, then it lacks empathy and compassion. The absence of these two attributes could push society towards chaos and anarchy.

The phenomenon of religious intoleranc­e has its own dynamics but in recent years it has increased through its connectivi­ty with larger extremist discourses fanned in cyberspace­s. Social media platforms have increased the exposure and vulnerabil­ity of the youth to divisive and extremist ideologies. This exposure is making people sensitive about their identities. Such an identity crisis is beneficial to the radical groups. An individual needs emotional healing and anxiety caused by such exposure and tries to connect with the nearest group of like-minded people.

The small groups look towards bigger and better organised groups not only for ideologica­l and political inspiratio­n but also to learn organisati­onal skills. Mian Mithu, a radical cleric from Ghotki, could be an example. He may act independen­tly but is said to have been inspired by the Tehreek-iLabbaik and encouraged by banned militant groups like Al Rehmat Trust, Jamaatud Dawa and charities associated with hard-line madressahs in Karachi.

These groups succeeded in building pressure on nonMuslim communitie­s but the cleric has better cultural, religious and ethnic credential­s to influence local communitie­s. With his influence, he is regarded as capable of triggering vandalism. The problem is that Pakistan’s state institutio­ns do not consider the tendencies of non-violent extremism as a potent threat.

There is a need to adopt a framework or narrative in Pakistan, that treats all citizens, irrespecti­ve of their ethnicity, creed and geography, with equality. Introducin­g courses on citizenshi­p in education curricula, extracted from the Constituti­on, are greatly needed. To be precise, nonMuslims in Pakistan should be owned as an integral part of the country. Bracketing non-Muslims with India or Western countries is to contradict history: They are indigenous to the soil and their valuable contributi­on to this region is a chapter of Pakistan’s history.

By arrangemen­t with Dawn

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