The Asian Age

BJP plays puja politics, tramples on tradition

- Shikha Mukerjee

Ideologica­l tension has always been a part of “organised” Durga Pujas. As the greatest exercise in mass mobilisati­on by people from undivided Bengal and of course, postIndepe­ndence, it has been through several phases of such tensions.

The mass mobilisati­on, at the community level and then its spread as every “para” or locality organised itself to celebrate Durga Puja was a process of democratis­ation. It challenged the exclusivit­y of the pujas celebrated in wealthy homes, landed gentry or trading barons, starting sometime in the 18th century when, as popular history goes, 12 friends got their act together in Gooptipara in Hooghly district and organised a collective puja. By the 20th century, the Barowari puja turned into a Sarbojonin — inclusive of everyone — puja. The Baghbazar puja, now in its 101st year, set the trend in 1926, when the celebratio­n moved out of the home and into a public space.

The connection of the puja celebratio­n to the public through the spaces that the extraordin­arily creative pandals occupy makes the festival a political statement of inclusion. Nationalis­ts in Baghbazar added an exhibition on Swadeshi in 1929 and so turned the celebratio­n into an assertion and joined it to the Independen­ce movement. The conversion of a Calcutta Municipal Corporatio­n metal scrapyard into a permanent space for Durga Puja, approved by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose when he was mayor, put a political seal on the celebratio­n. His appointmen­t as president of the Baghbazar puja in 193839 was public acknowledg­ment that pujas are political.

Pujas are completion deified. The theme of the pujas, corporate sponsorshi­p and corporate reward has transforme­d the pujas into a political comment on current issues. Thikana or address, one such theme in 2019, is public art on the insecuriti­es of migrant families — people who now worry or even kill themselves because the BJP is set on weeding out “termites” as Amit Shah contemptuo­usly described illegals, or rather Muslims who had moved across the border and into India.

The inaugurati­on of an obscure puja in the posh Salt Lake by BJP president Amit Shah was not a random choice. The satellite township laid out by West Bengal’s first chief minister, Bidhan Chandra Roy, was an indirect acknowledg­ement that middle class people made refugees by Partition needed space to sink roots and reconstruc­t their lives by acquiring heavily subsidised land to build houses. The connection between the puja’s inaugurati­on and the BJP’s meeting for party workers on the National Register of Citizens and the Citizenshi­p Amendment Bill is blindingly obvious.

It was a very early launch for the state Assembly elections in 2021, because the message the inaugurati­onplus-meeting delivered was that the BJP in power in West Bengal open up the state for

The connection of the puja celebratio­n with the public through the spaces that the extraordin­arily creative pandals occupy makes the festival a political statement of inclusion branded loyalists. The subtext of becoming a “legal” was the fulfilment of aspiration­s for a secure and rooted future. As a communicat­ion strategy, it was low cost, because the BJP invested only in organising the meeting, not on the puja, which has moneyed patrons, though not all of them with concerns about citizenshi­p because of upcountry origins.

The transition of the BJP from the wings to centrestag­e is happening now. The BJP was busy with occupying the smaller puja spaces in 2017 and 2018, with the proliferat­ion of Ganesh pujas as part of the competitio­n over religious celebratio­n with the Trinamool Congress — from organising astra (weapons) pujas in 2017 to creating noise that trapped Trinamool Congress supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee in a manufactur­ed controvers­y over when the Durga idol could be immersed without trespassin­g on the Muharram procession­s on the streets. Destabilis­ed by the political pressure the BJP exerted, Ms Banerjee overreacte­d and issued state and citywide time slots for both events.

The Durga Puja inaugurati­on by Mr Shah is like a laser show. It projects the party but it does not seriously challenge the Trinamool Congress by trying to occupy puja organisati­ons on a large scale. It is an exercise in appropriat­ing the mobilisati­ons that happen around the festival without investing in the celebratio­n itself.

Where the Trinamool Congress dominates through patronage of dozens of award-winning, spectacula­r and outstandin­gly creative Durga pujas, the BJP has its limitation­s. And, the Trinamool Congress’ support to the Durga pujas is part of a longer tradition of political leaders fronting community organisati­ons. The tradition is decades old: Simla Byayam Samity’s puja was organised by Atindra Nath Bosu, a revolution­ary and associate of Sri Aurobindo and Jatindra Nath Mukherjee aka Bagha Jatin in 1926. His purpose was mobilisati­on of youth power for the nationalis­t cause.

The Amit Shah inaugurati­on does not associate Durga Puja with the spirit of the festival. It cannot. The spirit of the festival is and was a celebratio­n of the Mother and her children, who are all deities. With the infusion of the festival with an overwhelmi­ng flavour of controvers­y on citizenshi­p and the entitlemen­t of Hindus to an identity in India, the BJP has gambled.

The political tradition in West Bengal is that in the festival season there is no politics. The BJP has trampled on it. The government it heads at the Centre has trampled on the tradition of immersion of the deity, integral to the story of Durga’s journey back to Kailash, by imposing a fine on anyone or any organisati­on that dumps the idol in the Ganges.

By messing around with the festival, as a party and a government, a convergenc­e that the BJP otherwise scrupulous­ly avoids, Mr Shah turned the spirit of the harvest festival into a portent of something nasty happening immediatel­y after. In contrast, the Trinamool Congress has hit the right notes: It has supplement­ed thinner puja budgets with subsidies; it has joined in the competitio­n for the aesthetics of the pujas; and it has maintained its dual role as participan­t and government in the celebratio­n which will culminate with the Carnival, a pageant presided over by Mamata Banerjee as the Mother, or Bangajanan­i paying homage to Biswajanan­i.

The writer is a senior journalist in Kolkata

The tradition in West Bengal is that in the festival season there is no politics. The BJP has trampled on it. The Centre has trampled on the tradition of immersion of the deity.

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