India should engage with Taliban on Af, not just US

The all-party meeting on Afghanistan called by the government on August 26 could hardly have predicted the twin massive bomb blasts and persistent firing by unidentified armed men at Kabul airport just hours later in which well over one hundred innocent civilians and 13 US military personnel were killed, but the macabre event underscored the overall vacuous nature of the conference.

Expectedly, the government took credit — this time avoiding chest-thumping, thankfully — for the evacuation of Indians and a few Afghan citizens and those of other nations from Kabul, but for the rest ducked critical issues by stating that its stance was one of “watch and wait”. Briefing journalists afterward, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar also noted that the whole country was one on the issue of forging a long-term understanding with the people of Afghanistan.

This is a laudable goal. Only if there is a broad understanding on perspective can there be a clear appreciation of regional political dynamics since the Afghan situation has a bearing on our Pakistan policy and on the crucial matter of terrorism, especially after the return of the Taliban as rulers. It was expected that a broadbrush delineation of the parameters involved in pursuing this end will be attempted. That is not the case.

What should be done to show our solidarity with the people of Afghanistan is a major international question today, and it embraces the refugee angle, the women angle and the human rights angle. It certainly involves some degree of liaison with those in control in Kabul. What does that entail? Are there any attempts in that direction? Vital questions such as these were not taken up for discussion. In that case, what is the basis for the government claiming that the country was on the same political wavelength on the question of Afghanistan?

It needs to be borne in mind that the US, Taliban’s battlefield adversary since 2001, is coordinating on security with the Taliban authorities. This was precisely the subject of discussion between CIA chief William Burns and the most significant Taliban leader on the political side, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, in Kabul earlier this week. Mr Burns had flown in for this discussion.

The Islamic State of Iran and Syria-Khorasan (ISIS-K) claimed responsibility for the airport bombings, and the Taliban officially denounced their action. However, concern remains in some quarters that a section of the Taliban leadership — the Haqqani faction — could have been involved in the grisly crime. The incident has shocked China and Russia, which have been coordinating closely with the Taliban before their re-capture of Kabul. These countries are now fortifying their anti-terrorism grid since some 10,000 terrorists poured into Afghanistan from Central Asia and Uighur areas, disconcerting Moscow and Beijing. A worried Iran has called on neighbouring countries to help contain the chaos. Evidently, this may be a hint at Pakistan, which was the nursery and safe haven for the Taliban, as well as China and Russia.

The question of the recognition of a Taliban government is for later. But a policy of “watch and wait” does not preclude conversations with the Taliban by specialists at a responsible level, if only to know their mind on India and Indian support for the people of Afghanistan. The question of whether Taliban will agree to an inclusive government at an interim stage and hopefully later, or strictly a Taliban government, needs to be probed. Sitting tight, or discussing only with the US, is not the best way forward.

It needs to be borne in mind that the US, Taliban’s battlefield adversary since 2001, is coordinating on security with the Taliban authorities