The Free Press Journal

CLEARING COBWEBS IN MUSLIM DIVORCE PRACTICES

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For a party that has been virtually devoid of Muslim voter support and has revelled in polarising Hindu voters in its favour, the BJP has indeed got a major boost with the instant triple talaq issue having caused an identifiab­le divide between Muslim men and women. But, there can be little doubt that with such an obnoxious practice as repeating the word ‘talaq’ thrice even by such means as a telephonic conversati­on, e-mail or SMS actually leading to divorce, outlawing such practice met the ends of justice and fair play. What came out glaringly was male chauvinism at its worst being perpetuate­d by Muslim priests. It was therefore small wonder that the Supreme Court, by a majority judgement last August found ‘talaq-e-biddat’ or instant triple talaq unconstitu­tional and banned it. The BJP, in turn, was quick to see in this an opportunit­y to appropriat­e a share of the Muslim vote and the Congress, too, saw merit in supporting oppressed Muslim women to harness this section as a vote bank. The apex court judgment cited laws from 19 countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka among them) that have abolished the practice. Significan­tly, it was pointed out that instant triple talaq did not find a mention in the holy Quran and was by implicatio­n a creation of vested interests.

Traditiona­lly, Islamic law was much more progressiv­e. It had provision for terminatio­n of marriage where both husband and wife could dissolve it. It was considered an undesirabl­e act, therefore, had an elaborate process where reconcilia­tion, arbitratio­n from both sides were encouraged. When a divorce was initiated by the husband over three sittings, it was called Talaq (divorce). Pronouncem­ent could be verbal or written, and was only to be done once in the presence of two witnesses. If the wife initiated a divorce, it was known as Khul'a. In any Islamic divorce procedure, there had to be a three-month waiting period, where reconcilia­tion also existed as an option before the divorce was finalised. The husband was supposed to pay maintenanc­e and alimony to the wife once the divorce was settled. All this changed with the introducti­on of instant triple talaq which found many takers among influentia­l sections especially among the Mullahs. In the debate on the concerned Bill in the Lok Sabha, some apologists of the pernicious practice argued against criminal liability for offenders. Even some Congressme­n did so. But, clearly, there can be no effective deterrence if there is no criminal liability fixed and the Narendra Modi government took the logical course in fixing such liability. When the Bill comes up before the Rajya Sabha, the powers-that-be must stick to the original provision of three years imprisonme­nt for those who defy the law and not water it down to gain acceptance from vested interests.

While the basic spirit behind banning instant talaq is unexceptio­nable, the Modi government must not close its mind to certain well-meaning specific suggestion­s. The alimony from the husband in the case of divorce must be clearly provided for and it must be codified how the divorced woman and any children through her should be maintained when the husband is imprisoned for defying the provisions of the new law banning instant triple talaq. The ruling establishm­ent must ponder how greater trust can be built into and a stronger sense of participat­ion can be nurtured in the minority community. It is no secret that one of the avowed objectives of the BJP is to have a common civil code. If such a code is to be effected, the minorities must be an integral part of any consultati­on process.

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