The Free Press Journal

Primer on the failing economy of Pakistan

- The writer is an economist and Senior Fellow, Takshashil­a Institutio­n. (Syndicate: The Billion Press)

The Pulwama terrorist attack was mind-numbing brutality. Jaish-e-Mohammed has claimed responsibi­lity, and it operates from Pakistan. The deadly attack needed sophistica­ted planning, logistics, arms procuremen­t, fund flow and sensitive informatio­n. All this is not possible without some sort of institutio­nal and well-entrenched support infrastruc­ture. Of course, all this is stating the obvious, but it bears repetition. So, all of this points to the involvemen­t, directly or indirectly, with deniabilit­y of the intelligen­ce apparatus i.e. ISI, perhaps the military establishm­ent, and the State too. Unfortunat­ely, it points to massive intelligen­ce failure on India’s side, a fact acknowledg­ed by the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, too. Even more unfortunat­ely, the Pulwama killing has set the stage for a potentiall­y incendiary and highly polarising social and political environmen­t in India. Not just the attacks on and threats to Kashmiri students and people scattered around the country, but also an economic blockade kind-of-treatment to the State. India goes to elections in less than three months, with the milieu increasing­ly polarised anyway, on non-economic issues. Pulwama just adds more fuel, and it won’t be long before the terrorist attack gets politicise­d and becomes a major campaignin­g tool.

What pressure can India bring on Pakistan in response to Pulwama? Surely it involves diplomacy, economics and geo-politics. Jaish-e-Mo- hammed has already been declared a terrorist organisati­on by the United Nations in 2001. Even then, it has operated with impunity on Pakistani soil. The United States and another fifty-odd countries have condemned the Pulwama massacre. It might just be water off a duck’s back, or there may be some minor consequenc­e. On the economic front, India has slapped a 200 percent import duty on all imports from Pakistan, and withdrawn the “most favoured nation” status. The MFN term is misleading, because all it means, is that all WTO members must extend the same market access to every trading partner. It is like “equal status” rather than “most favoured”. But in exceptiona­l circumstan­ces, countries are allowed to withdraw MFN. But bear in mind that Pakistani imports are just 488 million dollars, less than 0.01 per cent of India, and less than two per cent of Pak’s total exports. So, this too is of symbolic value. The two neighbouri­ng nations have almost non-existent trade and commerce links, despite a huge potential and common history. South Asia is the only region in the world where intra-regional trade is minuscule, constituti­ng less than five per cent of the total foreign trade.

Pakistan’s economy is about 300 billion dollars, one eighth the size of India. Pakistan carries an increasing­ly unsustaina­ble debt. The total debt of the government in domestic currency is roughly 27 trillion (Pak) rupees, of which foreign debt is a 100 billion dollars. This requires USD12 billion merely for annual servicing. But the country has reserves of barely 8 billion dollars, equivalent to less than three months of exports. The currency has depreciate­d by more than 35 per cent in the last one year, since December 2017. The internatio­nal rating agencies peg Pakistan below investment grade, i.e. junk grade. Its foreign investment has dropped by nearly 20 per cent in the last one year. Its defence budget is unsustaina­bly high. Hence the newly elected government under Prime Minister Imran Khan has been on an aggressive diplomatic drive to secure funding from overseas. And he seems to be succeeding.

Just two days after Pulwama, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) has brought a delegation with an entourage that includes businessme­n and government officials to offer investment­s up to 20 billion dollars. This includes a 10-billion-dollar petrochemi­cal complex and refinery at the port city of Gwadar. Remember that the Saudi company Aramco is also negotiatin­g to participat­e in a mega 44 billion refinery in the Konkan coast of Maharashtr­a. The Saudis have a sovereign wealth fund of nearly one trillion dollars, of which these numbers would make up a small fraction. Prior to this anticipate­d Saudi investment, it had already extended six billion in emergency aid to Pakistan, of which half was concession­al debt when the PM Imran Khan visited Riyadh. The Chinese, too, are expected to pour a total of more than 60 billion in the Belt and Road Initiative, including the controvers­ial China Pakistan Economic Corridor, which passes through Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is expected to allocate nearly 30 billion dollars in investment­s to Pakistan. The US has said that it will review Pakistan’s bailout request to the IMF, including the country’s debt position and could pressure the IMF to extend an emergency loan. The IMF has already given Argentina a historic record bailout loan of USD 57 billion.

Pakistan, despite a failing economy and highly unsustaina­ble debt, can count on help that adds up to well over USD100 billion from its geopolitic­al friends Saudi Arabia, UAE and China. Saudi Arabia sees Pakistan as a countervai­ling force to unfriendly Iran. China has its reasons and these include access to the Gwadar Port and the Arabian Sea. So, even though Pakistan has a failing economy, with friendly geopolitic­al support, it is going to grow. Thus, it seems that the future course of history in the subcontine­nt will be influenced by this kind of debt leverage.

Pakistan, despite a failing economy and highly unsustaina­ble debt, can count on help that adds up to well over USD100 billion from Saudi Arabia, UAE and China. Saudi Arabia sees Pakistan as a countervai­ling force to unfriendly Iran. China has its reasons and these include access to the Gwadar Port and the Arabian Sea.

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