The Free Press Journal

Regulators - Part III: Corruption is often on account of regulatory processes

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Usually, collectors (who are normally IAS officers) or the local land officer convert large parcels of land at the nod of the urban developmen­t minister of that state. If palms must be greased, that is shown as cost of doing business. The higher authority always has the right to counterman­d any orders given by the lower authority. As the old saying goes, the greater the discretion, the greater is the potential for corruption

Limited (DHFL). The NCLT (National Company Law Tribunal) cleared the proposal put forth by the Piramal Group, which offered to pay upfront in cash Rs 12,700 crore and a total of Rs 37,250 crore subsequent­ly for assets estimated to be valued at over Rs 80,000 crore. This was challenged in the Supreme Court by Kapil Wadhawan, the erstwhile promoter of DHFL.

He instead, offered to pay the entire outstandin­g principal of Rs 91,158 crore to creditors. In his letters, Wadhawan had said around Rs 9,062 crore was lying with the DHFL, according to the company’s balance sheet. He said this would be utilised for upfront repayment of outstandin­g debts of small investors and the major break-up would be to non-convertibl­e debentures (NCDs) held by the public.

The Supreme Court (rightly) turned down this offer.

Investigat­ion agencies claim fake bills were also found at DHFL. But that could be explained. Even though funds are borrowed legally, the bribes are paid illegally and must be covered by fake receipts.

What Piramal will do is what DJFL’s promoters would have done in any case – secure regulatory clearances for all assets worth around Rs.80,000 crore (the author’s estimate). This requires deep pockets, the right connection­s and a good understand­ing about how real estate developmen­t markets work.

Had there been no discretion­ary power with the authoritie­s and conversion of land, and obtaining of clearances quite transparen­t and time-bound, the bribes that are required to be paid out would not be that steep.

Successive government­s have allowed these discretion­ary powers to stay because they are a wonderful source for slush money. The entire real estate developmen­t market got into a mess because of the freeze in money markets thanks to the IL&FS crisis (which was itself into such deals ever since it acquired Maytas from Satyam).

Sometimes, the government can itself precipitat­e a financial crisis. Take the recent case of industrial­ist Anil Ambani trying to claim his dues from Delhi Metro (DMRC), a government-owned entity. In the first fortnight of September 2021, the Supreme Court upheld an arbitratio­n award of 2017 won by Anil Ambani’s company DAMEPL, a special purpose vehicle floated by Reliance Infrastruc­ture. This suddenly made the Anil Ambani group richer by around Rs 5,000 crore. Had the DMRC accepted the arbitratio­n award in 2017, the money could have eased creditors’ woes.

In fact, as pointed out repeatedly by his author, the government (usually through its entities such as the DMRC) remains the biggest litigant in court. Even the Law Commission called it a compulsive litigant.

To be ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’ (selfrelian­t India), it must reduce this huge generation of sleaze by authoritie­s through regulation­s that allow for caprice and discretion. Discretion­ary powers need to be reduced, and a transparen­t process is urgently called for.

Can the government clean up this mess?

#PMPOSHAN

THURSDAY'S SWIPE

The author is consulting editor with The FPJ

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