The Indian Express (Delhi Edition)

RETROGRADE

Rahul Gandhi on ‘ financial surveys’ and ‘ revolution,’ Pitroda’s idea on inheritanc­e are bad economics — and bad politics, too

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IT IS AN idea that harkens to perhaps the worst aspects of India's socialist past. The chairman of Indian Overseas Congress, Sam Pitroda's comments on the inheritanc­e tax, have raised the spectre of wealth redistribu­tion, almost four decades after the very same Congress party under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had abolished it. The then finance minister V P Singh had noted that the estate duty, or the inheritanc­e tax as it was then called, had “not achieved the twin objectives with which it was introduced, namely, to reduce unequal distributi­on of wealth and assist the states in financing their developmen­t schemes.” Clarificat­ions on Pitroda's remarks by a string of party leaders do little to allay concerns. Especially given how, of late, Rahul Gandhi himself has been framing his party’s twin planks of social justice and economic welfare. Speaking at Hyderabad, he promised a financial and institutio­nal survey to find out who holds the country's wealth. He added that, “after this historic step, we will take revolution­ary measures.” Read with Pitroda, there is an allusion to wealth redistribu­tion.

Such talk is hare- brained, retrograde, and a classic self- goal. More so when the Congress itself had withstood pressure during the UPA'S term to reintroduc­e this tax. This not only turns the clock backwards, it also reveals an inability to learn from the past. Collection­s from the tax are likely to be a pittance considerin­g state capacity and the myriad ingenious ways that are likely to be constructe­d to avoid paying the tax. In fact, this was even the case when the tax was in place. The then finance minister had acknowledg­ed in his budget speech that collection­s from the tax were “only about Rs 20 crore” and its cost of administra­tion was “relatively high”. Ironically, Pitroda’s pearls find no mention in the Congress party's manifesto. In fact, the manifesto, on the issue of tax, makes some encouragin­g noises – for instance, it speaks about ushering in an era of “transparen­cy, equity, clarity and impartial tax administra­tion”, ensuring “stable personal income tax rates”, “lessen( ing) the burden of tax”, and eliminatin­g “exploitati­ve tax schemes”.

That concentrat­ion of capital is a problem, that marginalis­ed sections must get a legup, that efforts must be made to address inequaliti­es of opportunit­y, expand the pie, is beyond debate. The Congress has promised a socio- economic caste census as a tool of affirmativ­e action that will address inequaliti­es rooted in historical injustices. Yet, the cavalier manner in which Gandhi has conflated these two issues, in the middle of an election campaign when there is little room for nuance, raises fears of a direct assault on wealth. And that, too, when the story of India's wealth creation has just begun. There are indication­s that more and more Indians from all walks of life are beginning to participat­e in wealth creation -- – there are now more than 150 million demat accounts in the country as per recent data. By portraying the caste census as a magic wand that will deliver justice to one and all, by loosely talking of “surveys” and “revolution­ary” steps, by floating the inheritanc­e tax trial balloon, the Congress does a disservice to its own economic journey three decades after the landmark 1992 reforms that brought the curtains on the Licence Permit Raj. In the name of votes, Rahul’s colleagues should tell him, it’s unwise to fiddle with those curtains.

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