India-Israel ties will grow stronger
Two ancient civilisations, two post-colonial states, two democracies, two centres of culture and faith, two nations with vibrant global diasporas: it was only natural that India and Israel would forge not only diplomatic relations, but a unique and enduring partnership. Now, 25 years to the day after Delhi and Jerusalem launched formal ties, we can see the impressive contours and products of an evolving Indo-Israeli alliance—and project even greater mutual benefit in the years to come.
It took decades for India and Israel to graduate from infor- mal and consular ties, begun shortly after both countries achieved independence, to an exchange of ambassadors and an acknowledgement of the potential fruits of open cooperation. But after that line was crossed by Prime Minister Narasimha Rao on 29 January 1992, Indians and Israelis made up for the lost time.
Over a quarter- century, through governments of the right and left in both countries, the relationship grew. Today, with an embassy in New Delhi and consulates in Mumbai and Bengaluru, with an expanding network of agricultural technology “centres of excellence” engaged in training programmes for farmers across India, and with new investments, joint ventures and contracts announced with stunning regularity, Israel has demonstrated its deep commitment to exploring every opportunity for intensified ties.
Both countries recognise the potential for capitalising on the ingenuity, resources and markets of the other. That potential will be more fully realised once the long-negotiated but not-yetconcluded India-Israel Free Trade Agreement, in the works since 2010, is finally signed. Friends of India and Israel, the American Jewish Committee (AJC) prominent among them, expect that step to be taken this year.
On his visit to India last November, Israeli President Reuven Rivlin expressed the hopes and intentions harboured by so many of his countrymen when he declared, “India is a top trade partner for Israel. We have come here today to send a strong message: We are here to make in India, to make with India. We are here to grow our economies together in full partnership for the benefit of all of us.”
The Rivlin visit bookended a year of elevated attention in both countries to the value and possibilities of partnership—launched with the historic visit to Israel by President Pranab Mukherjee in October 2015. That Prime Minister Narendra Modi dispatched the head of state on this path-breaking mission sent a powerful message to the public and the political establishments in both countries—and to their friends around the world — that bilateral relations between these sister democracies had entered a new era, and that the official shyness that had characterised the relationship for decades (even as their strategic cooperation intensified) was a thing of the past.
Gone are the days when fear of offending domestic constituencies or powerful neighbours inhibited revelation of the developing partnership in multiple sectors between India and Israel. A habit of mind that had kept the Indian public in the dark about a relationship yielding tangible benefits to their country’s technological advancement and defence capabilities was rendered obsolete—replaced by the truth. The sky did not fall. Expatriate workers were not imperilled or expelled. Internal politics were not thrown into disarray. In fact, a strong case could be made that frankness about IndoIsraeli friendship and partnership has yielded its own rewards—in showcasing the Prime Minister’s independence from tired political orthodoxies, as well as India’s capacity to balance not only its vital and growing interdependence with the West and its Cold War friendship and military ties with Moscow, but its parallel and non-contradictory support both for Palestinians’ quest for statehood and Israel’s security and legitimacy.
From the early days of full Indo-Israeli relations to today, cooperation benefiting both countries has boomed, with trade increasing more than 20-fold, to close to $6 billion, combined tourism growing to some 90,000 visitors a year, and vast increases in academic, scientific and cultural exchange.
Indians and Jews are natural friends and allies. One sees this in the United States, where AJC—at the same time that Indo-Israel ties have blossomed—has developed the closest possible links with leaders of the Indian American community, establishing political, fraternal, and business connections, and advocating together for strengthened US-India strategic cooperation (including the landmark Civil Nuclear Agreement of 2008), and standing together against US military assistance to terrorist-supporting states.
The links will grow stronger this year, as Indian Americans and American Jews join their brethren in India and Israel in celebrating the 25th anniversary of a remarkable partnership. They will grow with the expected visit to Israel by Prime Minister Modi—a first by a sitting Indian Prime Minister, although the second time for PM Modi. They will grow with the expected reciprocal visit to India by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; it will be the first visit by a sitting Israeli Prime Minister since Ariel Sharon in 2003.
The stage is set for an appropriately grand celebration. With friends of both countries cheering from abroad, the next quartercentury, beginning tomorrow, can be expected to bring even greater benefits to Indians and Israelis from the partnership that began on this date 25 years ago. Jason Isaacson is Associate Executive Director for Policy of the American Jewish Committee. He heads AJC’s WashingtonBASED OFfiCE OF GOVERNMENT AND International Affairs. The success of the formulation of the Congress and the Samajwadi Party alliance is widely being hailed in sections of the media. An impression is being created that this alliance was all set to conquer Uttar Pradesh and would simultaneously halt the political ambitions of the BJP, which is wanting to expand its base in the Assembly elections as well after securing more than 70 seats in the 2014 Parliamentary polls. Oddly, the Bahujan Samaj Party, which, according to many political pundits, is best placed to form the next government, is merely being mentioned in the passing by supporters of the SP-Congress tie-up.
There are several opinions regarding the alliance that has been sealed primarily because of the intervention of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who is understood to have persuaded the reluctant Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav through his wife, Dimple, to come on board in the best interest of secular forces. A normally low key politician like Ahmed Patel, who during her entire presidency has been Sonia Gandhi’s principal adviser, also chose to speak out his mind on the subject. Patel stated that it was wrong to suggest that junior functionaries had been drafted to serve as emissaries of the high command, when in actuality both Priyanka and Ghulam Nabi Azad, the general secretary in-charge, were very much in the picture while securing the electoral arrangement with the Samajwadi Party.
The comments acquire significance in relation to political developments within the Congress, where not everybody is pleased with the new found bonhomie, as it is being considered to be detrimental to the overall interest of the party. The Congress has been handed over a 100 odd seats, including around 50 where even the Samajwadi Party would have found it hard to contest despite being in power for the past five years. Of the remaining seats, it is anybody’s guess on whether the Congress would manage to get past the twenty-figure and sceptics are convinced that this number was also on the higher side. The contrary view is that if the party had contested all the 403 seats, it would have managed to increase its vote share and more importantly it would have resurrected the organisational base in varied areas ahead of the 2019 Parliamentary polls. Now that opportunity obviously has been lost.
Thus the tie-up, as well as its implications for the grand old party, has to be viewed in the context of Priyanka being given the credit by several seniors, who have found it difficult to endear themselves to her brother and vice president Rahul Gandhi. As a matter of fact, those who failed to get Rahul’s approval, have decided to jump on to the Priyanka bandwagon in order to remain both relevant and politically active. However, in the process, the fissures within the Congress are deepening and would create problems for Rahul as and when he formally replaces Sonia Gandhi as the head of the organisation.
Patel is an astute observer of politics. Therefore his texts have to be interpreted through the prism of Congress developments. By giving full credit to both Priyanka and Ghulam Nabi Azad for the alliance, he has deftly distanced himself from the issue, while seemingly appearing to back it. If the alliance succeeds, he would prove to be politically correct, but on the other hand, if things take a different turn and the Congress suffers another debacle, the blame would largely be placed at Azad’s doorstep, since nobody in the party would openly hold Priyanka responsible. Patel’s objective is also to send a message to the rank and file that his importance remained undiminished in this evolving scenario and either way, he would continue to be a pivotal figure in the party’s internal dynamics.
The deal with the Samajwadi Party is being showcased as the best thing that has happened to Uttar Pradesh, where the two parties going through a transitional phase have managed to emerge looking much younger and energetic. It is being suggested that the Congress support would clinch the Muslim vote and help in influencing upper castes, particularly Brahmins, to vote for the alliance. The likelihood of this happening is remote, since Muslims always vote strategically and therefore would cast their vote for any candidate who is better placed to beat the BJP. By putting up 99 Muslim nominees, Mayawati has already taken the initiative of wooing the minorities and in eastern part of the state, her chances have further brightened with the induction of many known faces such as Mukhtar Anasari and his followers who have deserted the SP.
There is no reason why the Brahmins considered as an extremely cerebral community would throw their lot behind the alliance, which has an uncertain future. Every community likes to be on the winning side and if the Brahmins have any doubts over the viability of the alliance, they would prefer backing either the BSP or the BJP.
It is true that Priyanka bears a physical resemblance to her grandmother who was considered the greatest mass leader of the last century. Other than that she has to prove herself on the political front. Timing wise, it would have made more sense for her to step in the political arena in the following year and if the alliance fails, the clamour within the party for her taking an active role would also diminish. She is skating on thin ice. The risk factor has therefore been accelerated manifold. Between us.