Italy is splitting into oblivion

Along with France and Belgium, Italy is stuck in a spiral of debt and stagnation.

As an attention-commanding headline, “Italian Left Party Splits” ranks with “Showers expected in London.” Splitting is what left parties in Italy do. Their leading figures find a point of principle and use it as a way to leave comrades they have come to hate, to found a party composed of other comrades they have not come to hate yet.

Hence the split in the center-left Democratic Party of Italy last weekend might have passed with little interest. But that would be wrong. It was a blow to an already disheartened citizenry, who know from experience how hard times are.However badly it goes for Italians, its consequences could be as malign for Europe, and beyond. Italy is in a parlous situation, economically and politically. In the midst of the splits and the spilling of bile, the European Commission warned the government on Wednesday that it must reduce its huge and still rising public debt – now at over 133 per cent of GDP. Under the two-year premiership of Matteo Renzi, reforms were made, especially in labour law, but they were judged too little, and produced anemic growth.

Along with France and Belgium, Italy is stuck in a spiral of debt and stagnation. Unemployment in the EU came down slightly at the end of last year, but youth unemployment was up to over 20 percent. In Italy, about 36 percent of 18- to 25-year- olds have no job. The shutting out of “millennials” from work is an unexploded mine in Europe. In Italy, where strikes and protests are common, they have yet to take to the streets in large numbers. But they probably will. Instead, those who took to the streets of Italy this past week were taxi drivers, enraged at Uber’s challenge to their trade, prompting occasionally violent protests outside the parliament in Rome. The mayor, Virginia Raggi of the Five Star Movement, supported the strike, as did her party leader, Beppe Grillo. The Movement is rid- ing highest in many polls at present, and is likely to benefit further from the Democratic Party’s woes. Yet it’s incoherent, wholly unused to governing and rabidly populist.At the same time, a figure often written off, Silvio Berlusconi, is purring in the wings; and the leader of the far-right Liga, Matteo Salvini, has raised his party’s profile and has hitched his star to Donald Trump’s wagon – outperforming his hero in calling for migrants to be pushed back into the sea, and closing all mosques. He has increasing support. In many parts of Italy, migrants, usually with no work and little shelter, congregate. Though helped by charities, the church and many individuals, many people fear them.

Continuing stagnation, low growth and higher debt threaten the EU, which is struggling to keep Greece from a default and an exit from the euro. An election, which is likely to come soon, may bring some clarity on the strength of the relative political forces. But the turbulence in Italy spreads beyond its borders in two ways. First, it illuminates the continuing weakness of the left everywhere. In the Netherlands, where elections in three weeks’ time are expected to show a win for the far-right Freedom Party; and in France, where the National Front of Marine Le Pen is also expected to dominate the first round of the presidential elections in April. Both these parties rely heavily on support from the working class, many of whom had voted socialist for years. The Swedish sociologist Bo Rothstein wrote recently that “the more than 150-year-old alliance between the industrial working class and what one might call the intellectualcultural Left is over,” noting that blue-collar union members in his own country now prefer the antiimmigration, anti-Muslim Swedish Democrats to the once-invincible party of the left, the Social Democrats – which leads the far-right party by only four points. The fragility of the European left was underscored on Thursday by Labour’s loss, in a by-election, of the northern English constituency of Copeland, held by the party since the 1930s. The loss was extraordinary; it is almost a rule that oppositions win by-elections. Reassuring voices in the political class and the commentarial say the populists will not win. They say no Dutch party will work with Geert Wilders Freedom Party if it wins. They say Marine Le Pen may lead in April, but will crash in the second round of presidential voting in May. The Italian right is itself split, with the usual reluctance of leaders of differing groups to cooperate. In Germany, the far-right Alternativ fur Deutschland will enter the federal parliament for the first time and increase its representation in the state assemblies, but that is all. All the far right parties are tending to creep upwards in the polls. Liberalism and centrism will probably continue. But what happens to the working and lower-middle classes and to the unemployed young of Europe after defeats of the populists who have championed their causes? What are the chances for real reforms, from the EU or from the governments of the state? Does aging Europe have the energy to stage a 21stcentury social and political renaissance? For that, presently, there is no reassuring narrative. The recent clashes on Delhi University campus ignited by protests from the RSS’s students’ wing, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad against invitations extended to left wing activists Umar Khalid and Shehla Rashid to participate in a literary forum discussion at the Ramjas College have appalled the university community. The violence that ensued has left more than 20 students and journalists injured and inadequate handling by the police has contributed to an extremely tense atmosphere, with several organisations demanding strict action against the ABVP functionaries.

On their part, the ABVP has claimed that it was internal resistance by ideologically neutral students of the college against the forum being provided to JNU activists known for their sympathy towards anti-national forces active in Kashmir that led to the free for all, where even girls were not spared and were mercilessly thrashed.

The prominent role played by many primary ABVP leaders makes it more than evident that they were bent upon pasting their ideas on the common students. Thereby, anyone holding a contrary view, consequently was branded anti-national and unpatriotic. It is clear that the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent statement has fallen on deaf ears. Earlier this month, Bhagwat had stated that “No one has the right to measure anyone’s patriotism...I, too, don’t have the right. Even those who feel they are running the show cannot measure anyone’s patriotism. Or pass judgement on it.” It is obvious that Bhagwat does not endorse such actions primarily because they are divisive in nature and against the spirit of pluralism that exists in our country. The RSS chief is well aware that the country comes before the party and attempts at ramming ideological messages down the throats of others would be counter-productive. The RSS is looking for a unified country, not a divided one, which some elements in the organisation are working on an overdrive to do so. On another note, it is not a mere coincidence that the Ramjas College violence occurred on the eve of the fourth phase of polling in Uttar Pradesh where the BJP is pursuing a divisive policy. The protests highlighted the Sangh Parivar’s own nationalism against the “anti patriotic” stance attributed to the two students, both bearing Muslim names. Apart from ideology, the confrontation had also much to do with the names that represent a community against which activists in the Sangh are seeking consolidation of Hindu forces.

The Delhi University incident has shades of McCarthyism as well. In the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the administration, prompted by unfounded and baseless allegations made by Senator Joseph McCarthy, carried out an unprecedented purge against those perceived to be either Communists or their sympathisers. Eminent filmmaker and actor Charlie Chaplin had to flee the country for survival. Thousands lost their livelihood and many were imprisoned since the entire nation had been swayed by the Senator’s outlandish accusations during the early period of the Cold War. This happened after the US forces were globally engaged in confrontations with Communist regimes.

A similar trend was witnessed at JNU, and is now making its way to the Delhi University, where another institution, the Khalsa College has been forced to postpone their theatre festival since the protestors want the principal to leaf thoroughly through the scripts. The ludicrousness of this scenario hits one preposterously on the face. Educational institutions are places where students form opinions based on their learning and experience, afterwards deciding what in their perception is the acceptable ideology. Adhering to a different doctrine does not make anyone less of a nationalist.

The fact is that Marxism was considered the most rational and spirited ideology of the 20th century and made an indelible mark on the thinking of a large number of leaders throughout the world. The collapse of the Soviet Union was a huge blow, but the philosophy has outlived the setback and thrives in China as well as many other countries. In India, Jawaharlal Nehru was inspired by it when he introduced the concept of planning based on the Stalin-Feldman model. Writers, thinkers and poets professed progressive thinking. Noted Urdu poet Sahir Ludhianvi penned the controversial song, “Jinhe naaz hai Hind per woh kahan hain” which was banned on All India Radio in the 1950s as it questioned the credentials of those in power at that time. A contemporary thinker, like Nehru too found it hard to digest the valid criticism, which was rather unfortunate. In Delhi University, some of the most illustrious professors have made no attempts to conceal their commendation for the Leftist ideology. The late Professor Randhir Singh, Arun Bose, Ved Gupta and Amresh Ganguly were all outstanding teachers and thinkers who allowed their students to decide for themselves whether Marxism or any other belief inspired them. On the right side, O.P. Kohli (Governor of Gujarat) and Inder Kapahi flew the saffron and BJP leaning flag. They, too, were exceptional thinkers, who confined ideological battles only to elections and did not carry them into to the streets.

The issue that arises is, that no person is authorised to judge through the prism of principles any other person’s patriotism or nationalism. Violence has no place in any society and whatever be the leanings, they should not become the trigger to unleash a reign of terror on our campuses. This be the bottom line. Between us.

In Italy, about 36% of 18- to 25-yearolds have no job. The shutting out of “millennials” from work is an unexploded mine in Europe. In Italy, where strikes and protests are common, they have yet to take to the streets in large numbers.