The Sunday Guardian

The Left is divided in Kerala

- SANTOSH KUMAR

If the Congress-led United Democratic Front government of Kerala was plagued by inter-party tussles during its tenure, the present Left Democratic Front is facing a crisis due to growing difference­s between CPM and CPI on crucial issues relating to governance. Perhaps this is the first time that the CPI is taking a bold stand against CPM on major issues and making it known too. When it comes to Kerala, coalition politics is the norm, rather than an exception. The state, which was formed in 1957, has never had a single-party government since 1959, the year the Communists were dismissed from power following a popular uprising in the state. Ever since, the state has been ruled by coalition partners led either by the Communists or the Congress. After the Communist Party of India split in 1964, it was the breakaway faction, CPI (Marxist), which mostly headed the Left Front in the state, barring a few exceptions. While the Muslim League and the Kerala Congress that broke away from the Congress changed sides as per their convenienc­e, the CPI has been playing second fiddle to the CPM. The Marxists maintained a big brother attitude towards the parent body, whose support base in the state has been eroding faster than that of CPM itself. But with CPM strongman Pinarayi Vijayan conducting himself more as a party chief, rather than a Chief Minister of a coalition, CPI is making it clear that it cannot be taken for granted any more as was the case on previous occasions.

Be it the encroachme­nt issue in the hill resort of Munnar, the “suicide” of a teenager, Jishnu Pranoy, in a private college hostel, students’ agitation for justice at the Law Academy in Thiruvanan­thapuram, the CPI chose to differ with the avowed policies of CPM. Of the 19 ministers in the Cabinet, 11 are from CPM, four from CPI and the rest from other Front partners. All the important portfolios are held by CPM and CPI. In its running battle in Munnar, Revenue Minister E. Chandrasek­haran of the CPI has shown exemplary courage in supporting a sub-collector in the area who has dared to take on the all-powerful land mafia, thriving there under the protection of CPM. This had pitted the CPI against the powerful CPM leader from the area, M.M. Mani. So far, CPI has not budged from its stand and so the sub-collector continues in his post, though the Revenue Department has scaled down its drive against illegal encroacher­s. However, it is pursuing the case against the Law Academy, which has usurped prime land in the state capital, much to the chagrin of CPM bigwigs. But it is the actions of the state police that have brought the two parties publicly against each other. It started with the police highhanded­ness in dealing with the agitation of Jishnu Pranoy’s mother in front of the state headquarte­rs. While the Chief Minister, who also handles the home portfolio, and the CPM leadership came out justifying police action, CPI not only condemned it, but also demanded action against certain police officers. That nothing came out of the protest, is another matter. The party state leadership had also expressed anger against rising incidents of violence against women, even as the Chief Minister and CPM leadership tried to play them down as “isolated incidents” each time these happened.

The latest in line of CPI dissent is the brutal suppressio­n of a people’s protest march in Kochi against the setting up of an LPG storage plant by the IOC. The agitation has been on for more than 100 days, but the government has not done anything to solve the issue, which the protesters claim is genuine. More than a 1,000 families in the area of Puthuvype fear that their very existence will be threat- ened if IOC is allowed to set up the plant. But the way the police used force to disperse women and children agitators, has made CPI warn CPM about a repeat of Singur and Nandigram in Kerala. The CPI, under the present state president Kanom Rajendran, has been very vocal about the way LDF is being run. CPM has been riding roughshod over a pliable administra­tion. CPI’s mouthpiece Janayugom recently warned CPM against using its police force to put down genuine people’s agitations. In fact, in the absence of a credible opposition in the state and the silencing of eternal dissenter in the party, V.S. Achuthanan­dan, it is only the CPI which is raising its voice against the “anti-people” policies pursued by CPM. How long it can continue doing so is to be seen, especially in the light of CPM’s attempts to bring in others, especially K.M. Mani’s Kerala Congress into the LDF. This is seen by many as a clever move to silence CPI. The determined Central government which is bent upon implementi­ng the Goods and Service Tax (GST) must ensure that the entire operation does not remain a mere Optics exercise but in actuality translates into a major fiscal reform that would benefit the common people. The trepidatio­n of it being reduced to a publicity gimmick is due to the fact that many questions have been raised regarding the unprepared­ness of the concerned department­s and therefore, the onus is on the government to guarantee that GST becomes a reality post a smooth transition from the existing regime. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has been working overtime for the success of the programme that is now curiously being opposed by many opposition parties which were on board when the issue was debated in Parliament and State legislatur­es.

It is not easy to implement any law throughout the country especially if it seeks to target evaders who over the past several decades have become accustomed to getting away scot-free. It is obvious that there would be resistance from several quarters as well as the BJP’s own strong base of traders who may or may not have conformed to the tax scheme till now. By deciding to boycott the proceeding­s in Parliament House to launch the new law, the Opposition parties have not showcased themselves in the requisite decorum. The need of the hour was for them to rise to the occasion thereby standing by the government replicatin­g their corroborat­ion when the GST was approved.

Indeed it is true that the government is semi-equipped. The joke doing the rounds is that the rules are not ready, the software are not ready, the businessme­n are not ready, the profession­als are not ready, the government systems are not ready, the forms are not ready, the tax rates are not ready, so why the tearing hurry? The bigger joke would be that there cannot be a perpetual wait for its implementa­tion. There has to be a decisive deadline which was moved up from April to July 1 and thus there is no express reason for it to be put off any further.

It is commendabl­e that Jaitley has not been overawed by the criticism of the Opposition and has remained resolute and single minded in proceeding with his plans. He is well aware that it is a now or never moment. The GST can only be pushed through with a strong government at the Centre and this has happened after nearly 25 years of coalition rule. Therefore, reforms of any nature are directly dependent on political stability and a law which was backed by majority of parties cannot be kept in abeyance merely because some believe that the level of preparedne­ss should have been better.

A point of denunciati­on of the GST is that it entails a jail term for defaulters which is but the in-built outcome. This is the only way more and more people who have been out of the net of indirect taxes can be roped into it. Fear may not be the best of emotions but in largely populated countries, it serves as an instrument in getting work done. In absence of the fear-factor, people refuse to abide by the rules. Indians who in their own land are disruptive, obediently queue up in the Immigratio­n clearance lines of airports in the United States and other countries without a murmur because they know that they cannot get away by being non-compliant. Although, the Emergency which was clamped by the Congress in 1975 has been widely criticised, its sole constructi­ve point was that work in offices did not suffer and systems such as railways and road transport worked with perfect punctualit­y and clockwork precision. The bureaucrac­y, which has remained the biggest hurdle in the frictionle­ss processes, fell in line.

Fortunatel­y during the three year old regime of the Bharatiya Janata Party in a non- emergency situation, the bureaucrac­y has also got the message that they have to perform or perish and thus there is no running away from any kind of responsibi­lity. Once the officers are reined in, people would eventually abide by the new tax regime. After all no political party would have a death wish that it would want to execute a law which is anti-people.

The Opposition which seemed together on the election of the President appears to have suddenly fallen apart. The Nationalis­t Congress Party (NCP) has made it clear that after supporting GST in Parliament, it was not going to thwart its enactment. The Janata Dal (Secular)’s supremo and former Prime Minister H.D.Deve Gowda realising it was a God sent opportunit­y to be seated on the High Table in Parliament, a year ahead of polls in Karnataka was present to make his date with destiny. The Janata Dal (United), the Samajwadi Party and the BSP did not issue any instructio­ns to its members regarding their compulsory presence or absence from the Central Hall ceremony.

The Congress and the Communists have landed up on the same side along with some others like the Trinamool Congress in staying away from the high profile function. Their opposition is as myopic as it is political. The GST is here to stay and no dispensati­on in future may be able to upturn it easily. The success and failure of the reform will depend on how effectivel­y the present government engineers it. Between us.

 ??  ??
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from India