The Sunday Guardian

Has disability risen among the elderly?

Disability is neither purely medical nor purely social. Rather, it is an outcome of their interplay.

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The Rights of Persons with Disabiliti­es Act 2016 ( or RPD Act) is laudable in its intent and procedural detail, but mostly silent on disabiliti­es among the elderly. Indeed, for this reason alone, it is arguable that its overarchin­g goal—“The appropriat­e Government shall ensure that the persons with disabiliti­es enjoy the right to equality, life with dignity and respect for his or her integrity equally with others” —is mere rhetoric, if not a pipe dream.

Disability is part of human condition. Almost everyone will be temporaril­y or permanentl­y impaired at some point in life, and those who survive to old age will experience increasing difficulti­es in functionin­g. Disability is neither purely medical nor purely social. Rather, it is an outcome of their interplay. Chronic diseases ( e. g. diabetes, cardiovasc­ular disease and cancer) are associated with impairment­s that get aggravated by stigma, discrimina­tion in access to educationa­l and medical services, and job market. Higher disability rates among older people reflect an accumulati­on of health risks across a lifespan of disease, injury, and chronic illness (WHO and World Bank, 2011). The cooccurren­ce of NCDs and disabiliti­es among them poses considerab­ly higher risk of mortality, relative to those not suffering from either or one.

There is a bidirectio­nal link between disability and poverty: disability may increase the risk of poverty, and poverty may increase the risk of disability. Households with a disabled member are more likely to experience material hardship—including food insecurity, poor housing, lack of access to safe water and sanitation, and inadequate access to healthcare. Poverty may increase the likelihood that a person with an existing health condition becomes disabled, for example, by an inaccessib­le environmen­t or lack of access to appropriat­e health and rehabilita­tion services.

Detailed evidence on disabiliti­es and their correlates is particular­ly relevant as India’s elderly population (60 years or more) is growing three times faster than the population as a whole. Three demographi­c processes are at work: declining fertility rates, increasing longevity and large cohorts advancing to old age (Bloom et al. 2014). As both non- communicab­le diseases ( NCDs) and disabiliti­es tend to rise with age, often in tandem, the inadequaci­es of the present health systems, community networks and family support may magnify to render these support systems largely ineffectiv­e. If the costs in terms of productivi­ty losses are added, the total cost burden of looking after the disabled elderly may be enormously higher in the near future.

Disability is usually measured by a set of items on self- reported limitation­s with severity of disability ranked by the number of positively answered items. Disabiliti­es in activities of daily living (ADL) show dependence of an individual on others, with need for assistance in daily life. The activities of feeding, dressing, bathing or showering, walking 1 km, hearing, transferri­ng from bed and chair, normal vision, and continence are central to self-care and are called basic ADLs.

A review of the evidence from the India Human Developmen­t Survey 2015 (IHDS) that tracks the same sample of individual­s over the period 2005-2012, yields useful insights from a policy perspectiv­e. IHDS covers seven disabiliti­es already defined.

At an all-India level, there was a very rapid rise in the prevalence of all disabiliti­es among the elderly during 2005-2012, from 8.4% to over 36%.

The prevalence was much higher among the older elderly (i.e. >70 years) than among 60-70 years old. Besides, it shot up to over 50% among the former in 2012 as compared with 33% among the latter. So the more rapid the ageing of India’s population, the higher will be the prevalence of disabiliti­es.

The disability prevalence was slightly higher among elderly females, but became considerab­ly higher in 2012. From about 9.4% in 2005, it rose to nearly 40% in 2012. Thus greater survival prospects for elderly women are likely to reflect greater disability.

There was a reversal in the rural- urban disabiliti­es, with a slightly larger prevalence in urban areas, but both rose substantia­lly with a larger prevalence in rural areas (about 37% as compared with 35%). If we use caste as a predictor of socio-economic deprivatio­n, we find that disabiliti­es rose much faster among the SCs than in the General category, with the prevalence among the former rising from 6.9% to about 37%. Besides, each category (including OBCs, and STs) witnessed a sharp rise in disabiliti­es.

There are two ways of examining the link between poverty and disabiliti­es: one is to assess whether the prevalence of disability is higher among the poor, using the official poverty line, and another is to rely on a ranking based on assets. We prefer the latter, since income fluctuates more than assets. Distinguis­hing between the least wealthy (or the first wealth quartile) and the most wealthy (the fourth quartile), we find that while the prevalence of disabiliti­es was about the same in both (about 9.7%), it rose at a much faster rate among the least wealthy, resulting in the highest prevalence (39.5%) in 2012. As there is a strong associatio­n between NCDs and disabiliti­es (e.g. between diabetes and restricted mobility and vision impairment, heart disease and limited mobility, stroke and speech and mobility impairment), some of the risk factors associated with the former are also linked to the latter. These include smoking, alcohol consumptio­n, dietary transition to consumptio­n of energy-dense foods—high in salts, fats and sugars— and sedentary lifestyles. As the population ages, and the burden of NCDs rises, disabiliti­es are likely to be far more pervasive. Compounded by lack of access to disability-related services (e.g. assistive devices such as wheelchair, hearing aid, specialise­d medical services, rehabilita­tion), and persistenc­e of negative imagery and language, stereotype­s, and stigma—with deep historic roots-leading to discrimina­tion in education and employment—the temptation to offer simplistic but largely medical solutions must be resisted. In brief, a multidimen­sional strategy is needed that includes prevention of disabling barriers as well as prevention and treatment of underlying health conditions. Veena S. Kulkarni is Associate Professor, Department of Criminolog­y, Sociology, & Geography, Arkansas State University, US; Vani S. Kulkarni is Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvan­ia, US; and Raghav Gaiha is (Hon.) Professori­al Fellow, Global Developmen­t Institute, University of Manchester, England.

There is a bidirectio­nal link between disability and poverty: disability may increase the risk of poverty, and poverty may increase the risk of disability. Households with a disabled member are more likely to experience material hardship.

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