CPM, BJP must ensure peace in Kerala

BJP HAS SUCCEEDED IN BRINGING THE ISSUE OF KILLINGS, CONfiNED SO FAR WITHIN THE STATE, TO THE NATIONAL SCENE.

The high-voltage drama enacted during the election of Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s political secretary Ahmed Patel to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat may have shifted the political spotlight from the Kerala killings for the time being. While the visit of senior BJP leader and number two in the Union Cabinet, Arun Jaitley may have helped the state party unit shift focus from its internal strife, for the ruling CPM the visit has provided the much-needed breathing space before its cadre take to the streets and unleash another bout of violence.

Days before Jaitley’s visit, the CPM was facing the heat following the murder of a young RSS volunteer in the capital city of Thiruvananthapuram, and the subsequent summoning of the Chief Minister by Governor P. Sathasivam. The CPM did try to divert the focus from the political murder by raising questions about the constitutional legality of the Governor summoning an elected Chief Minister of a state and seeking an explanation about the law and order situation. But the fact that Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan rushed to Raj Bhavan without even consulting his Cabinet colleagues or the party, was seen as an attempt by the Marxist leader to keep his position safe. Vijayan came in for sharp criticism for this hurried action, by the second largest constituent of the Left Democratic Front, CPI and the opposition Congress. Both cited the case of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s refusal to go to the Kolkata Raj Bhavan when state Governor Keshari Nath Tripathi summoned her over the communal flare-up in Basirhat. Banerjee had successfully made political capital out of it by even alleging that the Governor had tried to threaten and browbeat her. Though some in the Kerala CPM, other than the CPI and Congress, too had wanted Vijayan to do the same, the realisation came too late. Party state secretary Kodiyeri Balakrishnan tried to defend Vijayan by practically going into a discourse on the multi-dimensional meaning of the word “summon”. He cut a sorry figure in this attempt as it failed to assuage the feelings of the party rank and file, not to speak of the opposition Congress.

So the visit of Jaitley and before that the uproar in Parliament unleashed by the firebrand BJP MP Meenakshi Lekhi over the “Talibani style” killings in Kerala, helped the CPM divert attention over the failure of its government in containing violence in the state capital and instead goad the cadre with the usual dose of need to fight against “fascist policies of the Centre”. Moreover, the Chief Minister had called yet another all-party meet to discuss the killings the day Jaitley landed in Thiruvananthapuram. People in the state are by now so used to these meetings, which are just an eyewash to bargain for time by all parties concerned, that no one bothers. It only helps the government of the day plaster over the gory incidents. These types of meetings date back to the 1980s when RSS and CPM leaders sat across the table in Delhi and chalked out a process to lasting peace in the state. But then the CPM leadership backtracked, saying it could not convince its Kannur cadre to toe the line. Naturally, this was followed by more killings and more bloodshed. So the majority of Kerala’s population has developed a cynical attitude towards these drummed up meetings. One such memorable meeting was the one initiated by the late Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, a known Left sympathiser, at his residence in Ernakulam in 1999. However, just two days later, K.T. Jayakrishnan Master, vice-president of the state Yuva Morcha, was hacked to death in front of his students in a classroom in Koothuparambu, Kannur. Even as the state struggled to recover from the shock, large-scale violence was unleashed allegedly by CPM cadre. From then on the state must have lost count of the all-party meets and talk of peace.

This time too things are not going to be different. Naturally there will be a lull before violence erupts again. The only difference is that BJP has succeeded in bringing the issue of killings, confined so far within the state, to the national scene. This might act as a restraint on the part of CPM not to let loose its cadre and invite the wrath of the Central government. But since the party is in power in Kerala, invariably the leadership down the line tends to take the law into its own hands. Especially when the police force becomes mute spectators, as is the case whenever the party is in power. Remember, the party in the state is currently led by someone who had threatened not long ago to make police stations in the state into bomb-making units. On the other hand, it would be wise on the part of the state BJP not to be carried away by the support extended to it by the leadership in Delhi. As it is the state leadership is struggling to contain factional feuds among its leaders, which has affected the image of the party in the state. Stakes are high for both CPM and BJP in the state. So it is better for both parties not to play into each other’s hands by means of violence. In the recently concluded Rajya Sabha elections from Gujarat, Ahmed Patel’s grand victory against difficult odds had all the ingredients—intrigue, deceit, allurement, persuasion, coerciveness, suspense, strategy and much more—that make politics to be such a riveting and compelling game. In fact, the Congress president’s political secretary needs to be congratulated for the fact that at no stage during this high-voltage contest did he lose his nerve and exhibit any signs of anxiety.

His supreme confidence in his own abilities and methods was reflected in the calm and clinical way in which he got the better of BJP president Amit Shah in the gripping fight. What made matters even more noteworthy was the singular feature that the triumph over a fellow Gujarati was achieved in Gandhinagar, the capital of the state that has continuously voted for the BJP since 1995.

What was remarkable about the win is that it showcased meticulous planning and comprehension of the political system as well as demonstrated that a Rajya Sabha contest, if it comes to the wire, can any day be more thrilling than a Lok Sabha fight. Normally speaking, political parties avoid confronting each other in a Rajya Sabha election and settle in for a unanimous decision by fielding as many nominees as there are vacancies. However, in this instance, the BJP became over-ambitious and believed that it could wrest the seat, which should have gone to the Congress, given its numbers in the 182-member House.

Had it been somebody other than Ahmed Patel, the BJP could have easily managed the arithmetic, but the Congress strongman decided to dig in his heels and face the combined onslaught of both Shah and Narendra Modi to emerge with flying colours. The confrontation received a build up from various television channels, which continuously ran the story for several days, adding to the drama; leading lights of both parties trooped in and out of the Election Commission to support their case, following questions being raised over the validity of two votes cast by two Congress MLAs.

What contributed to the Congress win was both experience and understanding of issues on the part of its leaders, while the BJP’s argument was based on the assumption that it was the returning officer alone who could have the final say in the matter. Another aspect of this particular poll was that the Congress, if it joins hands to face its opponents collectively can be a force to reckon with, something which Shah must have subsequently realised. The second lesson for everyone is that winning a Rajya Sabha poll like the one in Gujarat was far more difficult than winning a Lok Sabha contest. This is because the electorate in a Rajya Sabha stand-off comprises seasoned politicians, who have all come up to this level after scoring a positive verdict from the general people.

Many political analysts have likened the Gujarat elections to the stunning victory of Indira Gandhi in the Chikmagalur Lok Sabha byelection in 1978, which marked the return of the Congress on the national stage. The parallel is fallacious, simply because there is no leader of Indira Gandhi’s stature in the grand old party and Ahmed Patel’s re-election does not, in any way, reflect the changing political reality at the grass roots level. Overall, Modi continues to be the tallest mass leader. The win, at best, has raised the diminishing morale of the Congress workers, and thus, has prevented what could have been yet another major embarrassment for Sonia Gandhi. She certainly would have been targeted had the Congress lost this seat.

The Gujarat outcome is definitely not an indicator of which way the Assembly polls would swing later this year. The Congress has to put its house in order, and concurrently project someone as its potential torch-bearer in the state. Patel is a seasoned player, but the mantle has to pass on to someone who is both younger and could serve the party well over a considerable period of time. The Congress has to look forward and ensure that its strategy and selection of candidates for the polls are in sync with reality, and not based on the whims and fancies of individual leaders, who in the past have spoilt the chances of victory in several states by influencing ticket distribution decisions.

The senior leadership of the Congress should henceforth concentrate on the party’s 2019 Parliamentary poll blue-print and hand over the state polls to younger functionaries wanting to make their mark. Nothing grows under a banyan tree and this is equally applicable in politics where younger leaders have to carve out their own space. The issue is not of young and old, but in every political party at some time there has to be a generational change.

Ahmed Patel’s spectacular victory should motivate the workers and their representatives to do bigger things. Its current success should not hamper or limit the party high command in putting all its eggs in one basket. Patel and his contemporaries have had eventful innings, and at best, can be mentors. Amit Shah is merely 52 and is already a cult figure in national politics. Just as Gavaskar and Kapil Dev can no longer win matches for India, the Congress has to find its own Virat Kohlis and Ashwins. Between us.