The Sunday Guardian

GHQ TASKS IMRAN KHAN WITH TAKEOVER OF AFGHANISTA­N

Although Trump made several strong statements on Pakistan, in practice there appears to be growing congruence between the US and Pakistan, as shown by the fact that Pompeo will pay a courtesy call on the new PM of Pakistan in Islamabad before sitting down

- MADHAV NALAPAT KATHMANDU

Those familiar with the planners active within GHQ Rawalpindi, including within the InterServi­ces Intelligen­ce (ISI), claim that Prime Minister Imran Khan is “doing brilliantl­y” in fulfilling Phase I of an “integrated strategy for Afghanista­n and India”. Planning for this began 26 months ago, and went into high gear about eight months ago, the preliminar­y stage being the selection as Prime Minister of former Pakistan cricket captain and heartthrob of several well-con- nected women in India and the UK, Imran Khan. From that time onwards, key institutio­ns within Pakistan and overseas “got the message” as to who would be the next formal Head of Government in a country where the military has been holding the reins of authority directly or otherwise since 1953. Khan was told to “concentrat­e on US policymake­rs, especially through influentia­l contacts in the UK” so as to convince Washington to accept a greatly expanded role for the Taliban in the dovecotes of power in Kabul. From around mid-2015 onwards, GHQ Rawalpindi had been ensuring a plentiful supply of weapons and cash to Taliban elements in Afghanista­n, with the result that forces loyal to President Ashraf Ghani have steadily lost ground to the extremist militia. GHQ’s “Imran card” has been in operation since mid-2015, with the result that the US administra­tion has killed off most of the key Pashtun militia leaders hostile to GHQ Rawalpindi, leaving mostly those amenable to instructio­ns from the Pakistan military. The Barack Obama administra­tion was in a hurry to get its troops out of harm’s way in Afghanista­n, and was tempted by the ISI’s offer to facilitate a situation whereby attacks by the terror militia would be concentrat­ed on the Afghan National Army and police, rather than, as was the case previously, on US forces. Meanwhile, aware that President Ghani “listens only to the US administra­tion and to no one else”, the Pakistan military has intensifie­d its off-camera discussion­s with US counterpar­ts on Afghanista­n, mainly on inserting the Taliban into the Afghan government, thereby creating a Trojan horse that would quickly ensure the replacemen­t of the Ghani government with that run by another Pashtun leader, but who this time would be a client of the ISI as was the case in the past, before 9/11 altered the situation.

Being a Pashtun, it is expected that Prime Minister Khan’s carefully cultivated pro-Taliban image will assist in making the militia coalesce around GHQ in the manner that they did during the 1990s under the direction of the Clinton administra­tion, whose affinity for the militia was on public display rather than hidden. Over the past seven months, Imran Khan has establishe­d contacts with more than 30 Taliban functionar­ies, and seems to have done as expert a job of winning their trust as he has with policymake­rs in the US and the UK. Ex-wife Jemima Khan, who converted to Islam to marry the cricketer, “is still close to him”, and as a consequenc­e, “Imran is welcomed into high society in the UK with an access not available to any other Pakistani”. His UK contacts have worked hard at linking Khan to policymake­rs and think-tankers in Washington, which is probably why the Trump administra­tion seems to be following a line on Pakistan very different from the no-

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