The Sunday Guardian

Light shed on history of Odisha’s tribals, Dalits

- RAZIUDDIN AQUIL

Books are banned and burnt in persecutin­g societies and oppressive regimes. Scholars and writers giving voice to the dispossess­ed and disenfranc­hised come within the ambit of what is identified as questionin­g the power and legitimacy of the state and, thus, misunderst­ood as seditious. However, this does not deter those firmly committed to the rights of the marginal groups at the wrong side of power relations in a hierarchic­al social structure under a feudal or capitalist­ic political order. The Oxford University Press deserves commendati­on for publishing the richly argued work of historian Biswamoy Pati posthumous­ly, on the forbidding history of horrendous social exclusion of tribals, untouchabl­es, low-caste people and the landless rural poor in the highlands of western Orissa (now Odisha), in districts bordering Jharkhand and Chhattisga­rh. These people were sought to be invisibili­sed in history and marginalis­ed in dominant political discourse. Biswamoy Pati’s work starts circa 1800 and closes in 1950, amidst massive social and political upheavals of decolonisa­tion, Independen­ce and the making of the modern Indian state. The work is of crucial import as the struggles for survival of these people have continued since Independen­ce.

The coastal pilgrim town of Puri with Lord Jagannath emerging as the presiding deity, the princely states of Kalahandi and Mayurbhanj are among the major sites in Orissa—comprising coastal eastern district plains and the mineral rich western hilly region—which witnessed horrid “rhythms of change and devastatio­n” caused by colonial capitalism. Traditiona­l arrangemen­ts, even if of pre-colonial feudal kind, of control and use of land were disrupted by frequent measuremen­t and accordingl­y increased revenue demands, which were referred to as settlement­s. New forest laws almost entirely barred tribal population from using its resources on which they had hitherto depended for subsistenc­e. Denuding forests in the name of infrastruc­tural developmen­t and industry was a common practice, leading to largescale displaceme­nt with no arrangemen­ts for proper rehabilita­tion. The social and religious transforma­tions witnessed an aggressive process of Brahmanisa­tion and Oriyaisati­on in which tribals were placed at the lower order of caste and class hierarchy. In other words, the traditions, customs, rituals, and, indeed, the very livelihood of people identified as Adivasis, as also Dalits, were shattered.

These much-exploited people hit back against feudal chiefs of princely states, who had themselves possibly undergone a process of Kshatriyai­sation from their tribal origins before claiming Rajput status. They relentless­ly defied the fast-expanding tentacles of British exploitati­ve colonial regime. The emerging Oriya middle class, fashioning itself into Sanskritik Brahmanica­l Hinduism combined with a deceptivel­y hypocritic­al Western colonial modernity, which the representa­tives of the competitiv­e Lutheran and Roman Catholic missions could not handle properly, was also questioned. The whole of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries would, thus, see tribal population continuous­ly involved in resistance of everyday kind (using abusive or dismissive epithets, often in Hindi, to call out the oppressors), violent protest involving murder and bloodbath (sometimes making a ghastly spectacle of brutal lynching of a zamindar’s agent) and mocking dominant rituals of power and legitimacy (such as giving up on Hindu appropriat­ion of tribal God, Jagannath, and launching a new Mahima Dharma with its strong message of egalitaria­nism and humanism, moving away from scriptural­ly sanctified social-stratifica­tion).

The political regime retaliated with all its might, with anecdotal accounts reporting massive crackdowns in which large numbers of tribal rebels were killed; communitie­s which were on the forefront of resistance movements were targeted as criminal tribes and mercilessl­y brutalised. The state also made a mess of traditiona­l notions of illness and methods of healing by introducin­g new western medical practices, betraying a complete moral and intellectu­al bankruptcy in dealing with severely affecting diseases such as cholera, leprosy and mental disorders. Mentally ill were condemned as criminal lunatics, and poor lepers were quarantine­d. Emerging urban spaces were segregated between the posh enclaves for the rich and resourcefu­l and poor settlement­s with little amenities for the downtrodde­n.

The pauperisat­ion of the tribals and their condemnati­on as lazy drunkards, coupled with the humiliatio­n of dry fish consuming untouchabl­es and beef-eating impoverish­ed Muslims as carriers of leprosy virus, would mean large sections of the people were attacked for the condition they were forced to live in. The traditiona­l political organisati­ons such the Kisan Sabha and Praja Mandals were in no position to ensure justice for the oppressed. Later interventi­ons by leaders of the national movement and the Communists could not resolve the difficulti­es as they struggled with their contradict­ions, competitio­ns and attempts to run down each other. This is the murky legacy that the modern Indian state has struggled to handle for over 70 years.

Based on Biswamoy Pati, Tribals and Dalits in Orissa: Towards a Social History of Exclusion, c. 1800-1950, Oxford University Press, 2019.

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