The Sunday Guardian

Biden’s China challenge: What can we expect?

One of the most critical points of departure expected from the Biden administra­tion relating to the direction of US foreign policy is the renewed focus on US alliances and partners to meet the challenges emerging from ‘the growing ambitions of China to ri

- ARVIND KUMAR & MONISH TOURANGBAM NEW DELHI/MANIPAL

US President Joe Biden finally spoke with Chinese President Xi Jinping. This raised a lot of speculatio­n with regard to how the United States will deal with China. President Biden’s probable tilt towards China had already formed a major part of the debate among members of academic and strategic community. The growing Us-china divergence­s on a number of important pertinent areas relate to bilateral trade, a rules-based Indo-pacific security architectu­re and maritime domain. The telephonic conversati­on between the two leaders came at a time when the rest of the world has been keenly watching Biden’s moves in regaining US supremacy and how the US will achieve mastery in managing both regional and global politics.

Even before Joe Biden entered the Oval Office as the 46th President of the United States, the future trajectory of Us-china relations was perhaps the most consequent­ial debate for policymaki­ng elites. There is no denying that the Us-china relationsh­ip took a more confrontat­ional turn during the Trump administra­tion.

The question is whether there will be any substantia­l change in the relationsh­ip with the onset of Biden presidency, or whether the downward turn in Uschina relations will remain a feature irrespecti­ve of the change of guard.

According to the White House’s readout of the Biden-xi telephonic conversati­on, President Biden, while exploring probable areas of cooperatio­n, also made clear the areas of contention. Therefore, while talking of shared challenges such as “global health security, climate change, and preventing weapons proliferat­ion”, Biden pointed out America’s “fundamenta­l concerns about Beijing’s coercive and unfair economic practices, crackdown in Hong Kong, human rights abuses in Xinjiang, and increasing­ly assertive actions in the region, including toward Taiwan”. It is incumbent for any incoming administra­tion to carry out a review of the country’s foreign and domestic policies. The significan­ce of this review is more apparent given the disruptive four years of the Trump presidency. However, barring some difference­s over the specific ways in which the Trump administra­tion went about dealing with China, a strong bipartisan support seems to be emerging in Washington that China needs to be handled from a position of strength.

Another noteworthy telephonic conversati­on was the one between US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Yang Jiechi, Director of the Office of the China’s Central Commission for Foreign Affairs. The readouts of the conversati­on released by the US Department of State and China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs reflect some acute divergence­s over Indo-pacific affairs. The show of military muscle from both sides in the Taiwan Straits since the onset of the Biden presidency, points to a near future of continued competitio­n, contestati­on and confrontat­ion even as both sides attempt to manoeuvre areas of cooperatio­n. While Blinken expressed America’s intention to work with allies and partners “to hold the PRC accountabl­e for its efforts to threaten stability in the Indo-pacific,” Jiechi urged “the United States to rectify its mistakes made over a period of time and work with China to uphold the spirit of no conflict, no confrontat­ion, mutual respect and win-win cooperatio­n.”

One of the most critical points of departure expected from the Biden administra­tion relating to the direction of US foreign policy is the renewed focus on US alliances and partners to meet the challenges emerging from “the growing ambitions of China to rival the United States”. In his maiden foreign policy speech, President Biden expressed the resolve to “confront China’s economic abuses; counter its aggressive, coercive action; to push back on China’s attack on human rights, intellectu­al property, and global governance,” while saying that Washington was “ready to work with Beijing when it’s in America’s interest to do so”. The US Department of Defense has also embarked on a department-wide China task force to revisit a number of areas, including strategy, operationa­l concepts, technology and force posture with the purpose of confrontin­g the China challenge. The recalibrat­ion of America’s China policy under President Biden seems to be geared towards a whole of government and bipartisan approach, supported by strong alliances and partnershi­ps. Although critical of how the Trump administra­tion went about executing its tough stance on China, Secretary Blinken in a recent interview with CNN, said, “So I think in fairness to President Trump he was right to take a tougher approach to China. That was the right thing to do.”

There seems to be consensus emerging within the Biden administra­tion to adopt a strategy focused on dealing with China from a position of strength, whether it is cooperatin­g where it is possible, or confrontin­g China in areas which are adversaria­l and competitiv­e in nature. Putting Kurt Campbell, the architect of Obama’s Asia pivot policy at the helm of affairs, regarding America’s Indo-pacific strategy signals the resolve to deal squarely with China. In this context, the Indiaus strategic understand­ing and cooperatio­n with other like-minded countries becomes even more imperative. President Biden during his telephonic conversati­on with Prime Minister Narendra Modi agreed to augment the bilateral cooperatio­n “to promote a free and open Indo-pacific, including support for freedom of navigation, territoria­l integrity, and a stronger regional architectu­re through the Quad.”

Whether Biden would be able to take a firm view on China in consonance with a bipartisan hard line approach or keep continuing with the rhetorical criticism of China would become clearer in due course of time. The United States would require to balance China across the global spectrum. If the US shows the sign of a potential cut in defence spending by Biden’s Administra­tion, it might prove detrimenta­l to US interests at a time when China has been intensifyi­ng all its efforts in becoming a dominant power in Asia. It is high time the US started to believe in serious actions against China and not just believed in empty rhetoric.

Dr Arvind Kumar is a Professor of American Studies at School of Internatio­nal Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. Dr Monish Tourangbam is Assistant Professor at the Department of Geopolitic­s and Internatio­nal Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education, Manipal.

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