The Sunday Guardian

Did China cross a new red line in cyberspace?

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supply chain vulnerabil­ities. While the Solarwinds hack helped Russia gain insight into US decision making practices and sensitive informatio­n, Moscow’s hackers were targeted and methodical in their exploitati­on of America’s cyber vulnerabil­ities, wary of causing collateral damage.

By contrast, the Mumbai hack showed complete disregard for collateral damage. In fact, since then, Beijing demonstrat­ed similar disregard in its breach of Microsoft earlier this year, which exposed vulnerabil­ities in thousands of companies for criminal actors to exploit. The Microsoft operation appears to be Beijing’s latest effort to conduct espionage and widespread intellectu­al property theft as part of China’s decades-long cyber-enabled economic warfare campaign, which has undermined the longterm economic and national security of the United States and its allies and partners. In addition to intellectu­al property theft, the Chinese have conducted aggressive efforts to steal American citizens’ personal data, collecting as much informatio­n as possible for further exploitati­on and analysis.

Four years ago, the world witnessed how a similar disregard for collateral damage in a disruptive and destructiv­e attack could spiral beyond an attacker’s control. In 2017, Russian state hackers targeted Ukraine’s banks and federal agencies using Notpetya ransomware to punish Kyiv and destabiliz­e the country. The operation immediatel­y had unintended consequenc­es, spreading to the electrical power infrastruc­ture. Forensic analysis of the malware revealed that because the hackers used a computer worm with the ransomware package, it inadverten­tly and indiscrimi­nately infected machines elsewhere in Ukraine and then moved outside Ukraine, causing significan­t economic damage across Europe.

The lack of attacker controls to limit which machines were infected could have led to significan­t escalation. Had the ransomware spread even more aggressive­ly, the United States and its European allies might have chosen to respond with actions beyond economic sanctions, such as a cyber response in kind or other form of escalation. At the time, Russia appeared to have signalled it was willing to take that risk to punish a recalcitra­nt neighbour.

Last year’s Cyberspace Solarium Commission report urged Congress and the White House to issue a declarator­y policy that clarifies what cyber activity Washington finds unacceptab­le and more clearly conveys US intent and willingnes­s to respond to attacks against the United States and its allies and partners.

America must reinforce this declaratio­n with a rapid and effective system for attributin­g malicious behaviour, and ensuring it has the appropriat­e coordinati­on, authoritie­s, and capabiliti­es in place to enable quick offensive and defensive responses to malicious cyber activity.

China’s contesting of norms in cyberspace appears to risk miscalcula­tion and potentiall­y significan­t escalation. This irresponsi­ble behaviour is especially worrisome from a nucleararm­ed state. The United States needs to firmly establish the declarator­y and signalling guidance recommende­d by the Cyberspace Solarium Commission or risk allowing its adversarie­s to continue to define the terms of acceptable behaviour in cyberspace. In such a world, the American people, and citizens of our allies and partners like India, would have to live with the risk that a nuclear-armed adversary could accidental­ly trigger escalation or take steps that cripple civilian critical infrastruc­ture in times of crisis.

Mark Montgomery is senior director of the Center on Cyber and Technology Innovation (CCTI) at the Foundation for Defense of Democracie­s (FDD), where Trevor Logan is a cyber research analyst. FDD is a nonpartisa­n research institute focused on national security and foreign policy. Follow Mark and Trevor on Twitter @Markcmontg­omery and @ Trevorloga­nfdd.

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