The Sunday Guardian

China worried about US withdrawal from Afghanista­n

From a strategic point of view, a good foothold in Afghanista­n would provide leverage to China in terms of containing the expansion of the other major players, the US and Russia, in the region.

- SHALINI CHAWLA NEW DELHI

President Joe Biden’s announceme­nt of complete withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanista­n by September 11, 2021 has sparked serious apprehensi­ons and disappoint­ments at the global level. While Biden surely wants to exit the unfinished war and says he doesn’t want to pass America’s longest war to another president, the current situation in Afghanista­n invites nothing but pessimism. China has recently been active and quite vocal in raising its concerns regarding instabilit­y in the region post US and foreign troops withdrawal from Afghanista­n.

China’s policy and engagement in Afghanista­n has evolved over the past few years. From being an independen­t and indifferen­t actor—seeking assurances from the Taliban to guard Xinjiang from extremism, looking for opportunit­ies for economic investment and exploring the mineral wealth of Afghanista­n— Beijing’s engagement has widened significan­tly. China has extended cooperatio­n to Afghanista­n in areas of security, military assistance, counterter­rorism, COVID-19 related relief assistance and facilitati­ng/offering Afghanista­n connectivi­ty with its neighborho­od (Iran and Central Asia) through the China-pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). (Shalini Chawla, The Sunday Guardian, October 3, 2020)

From a strategic point of view, a good foothold in Afghanista­n would provide leverage to China in terms of containing the expansion of the other major players, the US and Russia, in the region. Although China has been keen to expand its influence and engagement in the region, the potential security fallouts post US and foreign troop departure (September 11, 2021), are extremely worrying for China. Beijing has expressed deep displeasur­e on President Joe Biden’s withdrawal announceme­nt and termed it “hasty”. China has been suggesting the resolution of the Afghan conflict on multiple forums: it has called on the United Nations to play its ‘due role’, insisted the Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organisati­on (SCO) actively “pay attention” to the Afghan political crisis and has also offered to moderate the talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. The Chinese foreign minister assured Kabul that Beijing will back the Afghan government in playing the lead role in the conflict resolution process.

China has significan­t security, strategic and economic stakes in the stability of Afghanista­n.

Unrest in Xinjiang on account of Muslim repression and the support Uyghur militants draw from the terrorist organisati­ons based in Pakistan and Afghanista­n has been a cause of serious concern for China for a long time. Violence in Xinjiang escalated in late 1990s and that’s when Beijing became keen to initiate contacts with the Taliban. Various sources in Russia and China suggested that thousands of Uyghurs received military training in the camps set up in Afghanista­n. Chinese diplomats did hold meetings with the

Taliban including the famous meeting in December 2000 between the Chinese Ambassador to Pakistan, Lu Shulin, and the Taliban leader Mullah Omar in Kandahar. Media reports suggested (The Express Tribune) that Mullah Omar ensured the Chinese Ambassador that the Afghan soil will not be used to destabalis­e China. During the same period, reports regarding the Chinese companies/sources aiding the Taliban also surfaced.

In the last couple of years, Uyghur repression has found significan­t concern and expression in the global jihadi discourse. In April 2019, al-qaeda released a statement expressing solidarity with the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) and the Uyghurs. Taliban has maintained links with alqaeda despite assuring the US otherwise in the agreement it signed on February 29, 2020. Beijing fears that the Uyghurs will continue to get increasing support from the transnatio­nal Muslim extremist forces. China’s efforts are to ensure that the East Turkestan separatist­s do not benefit from the Taliban and the global terrorist organisati­ons when the Western forces leave. Additional­ly, the level of violence has escalated in Pakistan with Tehrik-i-taliban Pakistan’s (TTP) resurgence raising security risks for the CPEC projects in Pakistan.

China’s occupation and repression of Xinjiang Muslims has attracted significan­t internatio­nal attention and there have been strong coordinate­d reactions and punitive actions against China: the US has alleged the Chinese government of genocide against the Muslim Uyghurs; in March 2021, the

US, European Union, Britain and Canada imposed sanctions on four Chinese individual­s and one entity from China on account of ‘serious human rights violations’ and repression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang; and on May 19, the European Parliament adopted a resolution freezing “any considerat­ion of the Euchina Comprehens­ive Agreement on Investment (CAI), as well as any discussion on ratificati­on”. China’s position on human rights, values and governance has been increasing­ly questioned and condemned at the internatio­nal level. At this point, Beijing would not want the situation in Xinjiang to intensify with the spill over impact from the neighbouri­ng Afghanista­n. Another important security concern for China is the drugs from Afghanista­n as the Golden Crescent (meaning Afghanista­n, Iran and Pakistan) is the main gateway for smuggling drugs into China. (Shalini Chawla, The Sunday Guardian, October 3, 2020)

China’s quest for energy has also led it to make investment­s in the Afghan energy sector. It is interestin­g to note that in 2007, when the US and the allied forces were facing growing challenges in the Afghan war given the resurgence of the Taliban (with Pakistan’s extensive support while the US was distracted in Iraq), China invested lavishly in the Aynak copper mine and oil and natural gas sector.

Given its strong security concerns and economic stakes, China is exploring a more pragmatic and a multilater­al approach to resolve the Afghan crisis.

Dr Shalini Chawla is Distinguis­hed Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.

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