The EU’s offer to Northern Ireland is an answer to its development woes
AFTER last week’s summit and ongoing confusion in London, the only thing we know for sure is that in 157 days the UK is likely to cease to be a member of the European Union.
On key substantive issues relating to Northern Ireland, the rhetoric is becoming more heated and there is a clear partisan edge entering discussions.
December’s EU summit is likely to be the moment when critical decisions are taken. So there is time for people to step back from the debate and look again at what is on the table for Northern Ireland.
People need to stop the rush to take up entrenched positions and use the time available to consider not just what is being offered but why it is being offered.
If they do this, I have no doubt that they will see that not only is the EU sincerely committed to respecting the constitutional settlement in Northern Ireland, it remains committed to helping Northern Ireland develop.
The offer which the European Union is making to Northern Ireland deserves a lot more engagement than it has received from many sources.
Take things from the very start and you see that the EU’s motivation is a very positive one.
Michel Barnier is the man responsible for creating the EU’s support programme for peace, and he has always demonstrated a deep goodwill to all communities. I remember well when a Fianna Fail-led government was discussing the funding with him.
He was always insistent in respecting the positions of different communities and the different constitutional status of bodies north and south of the border.
In my discussions with him during his time as chief negotiator, I have found him to be more engaged with the details of the politics and society of Northern Ireland than any international figure I have ever met.
This includes an understanding of long-term attitudes to the EU within Northern Ireland, and that nothing can change in the constitutional status of Northern Ireland without the agreement of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland.
He and his team are engaged, even-handed and motivated by good faith. There is no hidden agenda.
And what’s more, he would not allow one to be introduced — so if you were upset or unsettled by the words of the Taoiseach last year, you should be reassured that Michel Barnier, both privately and publicly, is 100% committed to the idea that Northern Ireland’s constitutional position will not change as a result of Brexit.
What he and the EU are offering Northern Ireland is a unique deal which gives it an economic opportunity which the rest of the EU would dearly love to have. It will have guaranteed access to the single markets of both the UK and the EU.
Think about this for a moment if you care about addressing the clear economic problems experienced by Northern Ireland.
One of the great failures of the last decade is the fact that no one has yet produced a credible model for the development of Northern Ireland — development which would break the cycle of disadvantage and increasing emigration by young people who should be driving forward Northern Ireland’s growth.
The EU’s offer would overnight make Northern Ireland a potential magnet for inward investment. Chief executives all over the world would see a location where they can get access to two major markets without difficulty.
And if you want to see how such a unique status would have no implications for sovereignty, look throughout the world at operation of economic zones.
China is a country assertive in protecting its sovereignty but it has no difficulty in operating special zones which have different tax and trading regulations.
Equally, the UK’s modern constitutional settlement is entirely based on having differences between the different administrations.
For example, when the lower corporation tax policy championed across the board in the Assembly takes effect, a company’s profits in Northern Ireland will be handled differently from those generated in Scotland, England or Wales.
Each of the four administrations have different education and health policies — and often different regulatory approaches to major economic areas like property.
If you want to, you can see a constitutional conspiracy in anything, but I passionately believe that the EU’s offer to Northern Ireland is a good faith offer to help Northern Ireland.
Fianna Fail demonstrated time and again in government its good faith to all communities in Northern Ireland. In fact there were many times when we had better relations with unionist groups than the parties in London.
Our only concern is to protect the progress achieved for peace and to create a new opportunity to develop Northern Ireland’s economy in the interests of all of its people.
This is not a moment to retreat into traditional camps and the old arguments. It is a moment to stop and look again at a solution which is a threat to none and offers opportunity for all.
Micheal Martin is the leader of Fianna Fail