Why Micheal Martin’s elevation as Taoiseach marks nothing less than the end of the Irish Civil War
Fianna Fail leader’s trenchant refusal to share government with Sinn Fein will improve north-south relations, says Tom Kelly
The word “historic” is often bandied about in the lexicon of Irish political life, but much of it is startling, rather than historic. When Fianna Fail’s Micheal Martin becomes the next Taoiseach, he will do so on the back of the most historic deal ever made in Irish politics since the ratification of the Anglo-irish Treaty on January 9, 1922.
Micheal Martin is a patient political player. When Fianna Fail collapsed in the 2011 election, few would have believed that Martin would have survived as leader, but survive he did.
He was labelled as being the first Fianna Fail leader who would fail to become Taoiseach. It seems as if Martin will prove his critics wrong.
A veteran of over 30 years, this was the last roll of the dice for this determined and dogged politician.
Had the Republic’s general election been held in the autumn of 2019, it is likely that Martin’s route to Government Buildings in Merrion Street would have been less torturous.
Back then, it looked as though Fianna Fail was going to achieve another significant boost from the electorate. But, a few months into 2020, the political environment was very different.
The tripartite deal which paves the way for Martin’s elevation to the coveted office of Taoiseach is built on a very untested three-legged stool of Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Green Party. Such a deal would have been unimaginable even a year ago.
Fianna Fail and Fine Gael have been at loggerheads for over 75 years. Divisions run deep, not in policy, but among their people.
Families have been staunchly Fianna Fail, or Fine Gael, for generations. Memories of injuries done to both during the Irish Civil War and its aftermath did not fade easily. Some will never fade.
But just as the old two-party political system has eroded, so, too, have many of the arguments against Fine Gael and Fianna Fail forming a Grand Coalition.
The Fine Gael government only lasted the course because of the Confidence and Supply Agreement provided to it by Fianna Fail. The Confidence and Supply Agreement was very much Martin’s baby. And he stuck to it — despite the rumblings in his own party.
Some in Fianna Fail will be uncomfortable with this new deal. Those, like Eamon O’cuiv, grandson of De Valera, will almost certainly go into a permanent sulk (he had hoped Fianna Fail would have kissed and made up with Sinn Fein, as if Mary Lou Mcdonald was some kind of prodigal daughter returning to a republican political fold). But Micheal Martin was having none of this non sense. To his credit, throughout his leadership of Fianna Fail, Micheal Martin has always regarded Sinn Fein as not quite ready for government.
For the Fianna Fail leader, his stance against Sinn Fein is a matter of political morality. To Martin, they are neither fully democratic, or transparent, in the normal sense of political parties.
They have leaders who are selected. Internal dissension almost always ends up in expulsion, or alienation.
And then there are the other issues on the peripheral of Sinn Fein. Even though the Irish electorate didn’t seem to care about Sinn Fein’s legacy issues, or transparency, in the recent elections, Martin still refused to budge. At one stage, it looked as if his career may end on this very serious point of principle. If anything, Martin has proven that he is a man of conscience. Sinn Fein’s protestations of innocence fell on his deaf ears and Martin held out, bringing the majority of his party with him.
Unlike those who talked about it, such as Bertie Ahern and Brian Cowen, Micheal Martin actually fostered a closer relationship between the SDLP and Fianna Fail and his stance on the north is built solidly on the principles of consent, as set out by John Hume and Seamus Mallon.
As Taoiseach, unbeholden to a Sinn Fein partner in government, Martin is better positioned to reach out to unionists.
His calm and rational position during Brexit was spot-on.
He did not ramp up the volume against the wholly unreasonable and irrational rants of Sammy Wilson. Martin’s grown-up approach to the post-brexit debate will not have gone unnoticed by more sensible unionist opinion-formers in the business and agri-food sectors.
This incoming government will be good for the whole of Ireland, because it will be harnessing the best of talents from within Fianna Fail and Fine Gael.
Emerging from a national health emergency and perhaps sailing through a post-brexit economic tsunami will require the steady hand of Micheal Martin.
But outgoing foreign minister Simon Coveney is an equally important part of the recovery architecture, too.
It will be interesting to see if Leo Varadkar can slip back into a team position under a different Taoiseach from another party — this will certainly test Leo’s character and modesty.
Fine Gael’s Simon Harris and Paschal Donohoe will probably join Fianna Fail frontbenchers Dara Calleary and Thomas Byrne in any new cabinet.
The Green Party has set the bar high for entering the coalition, requiring two-thirds of the party to vote for it — including northern members from outside the jurisdiction.
Bizarrely, there is also a leadership contest. Eamon Ryan and his challenger both support entering the coalition, so it is hard to see the membership rejecting the deal.
Ryan is an experienced politician and former minister and
❝ His stance on the north is built solidly on the principles of consent, as set out by Hume and Mallon
one of the nicest guys in politics. It would be cruel beyond belief if he was turfed out as leader after leading the Greens to the cusp of power.
This coalition has the making of being a truly transformative government, especially, given the priority to green issues. It is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the Green Party. If they don’t grab the moment, there is a bunch of FF and FG “independents” only too willing to step up.
Micheal Martin has played the waiting game. He is a much underestimated political animal. His slowness to act is sometimes regarded as dithering, but his caution has shown him to be steely.
Martin as Taoiseach will lead a truly rainbow government and with Fianna Fail, via the SDLP, and the Greens, through their northern brethren, having political reach into Northern Ireland, closer collaboration between the two administrations, north and south, is inevitable.
Martin is also in a better position to maintain good Anglo-irish relations, even with the maverick incumbent of Number 10 and his erratic advisors.
President De Valera told his son, Vivien, after Fianna Fail got into government in 1932 and saw the state papers, about his adversary, Liam Cosgrove, and the pro-treaty Cumman na Gael that “they did a magnificent job, Viv, a magnificent job”.
Perhaps such remarks don’t need to be whispered anymore, especially after the generous comments by Micheal Martin about Cosgrove’s son and former Taoiseach, Liam, on his death and the open admission by Leo Varadkar that Fianna Fail’s reforming Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, is one of his political heroes.
So, let’s hope no one lets this cup of opportunity slip from the lip.
The alternative to political failure now is the prospect of another divisive election amid social and economic turmoil.
❝ Martin is in a better position to maintain good Anglo-irish relations, even with the maverick in No10