More unites us than divides us
RATHER than discussing the rights and wrongs of the last 100 years, we should ask ourselves why partition happened.
How did we get from the Belfast Harp Festival and the United Irishmen to partition and the Troubles?
The answer lies in the long history of connections between Ulster and Scotland — connections which start with the first permanent settlement in Ireland on the north coast, close to the narrowest part of the North Channel (important when you have to paddle your own canoe). Also, beside Ireland’s only source of flint to make tools and weapons and a rare rock which made axes so good they have been found as far away as the Shetlands.
Many of the Ulster Scots settlers came from places of Scotland where Gaelic was still spoken in the 17th century. It was slowly giving way to Scots English; however, this was a linguistic change, rather than the complete replacement of a living culture.
As a consequence, the survival of the Gaelic language and music in Ireland owes much to Protestants who sought to preserve and promote a shared cultural heritage.
Ulster Scots involvement in the foundation of the United States of America was a reflection of the radical views of a large and influential section of Ulster Protestantism; views which led them to seek similar freedoms in Ireland and attitudes which led them to the Industrial Revolution, which created a dynamic northern Irish economy and the rapid urbanisation of Ulster.
Munster was different and to overcome the rank and impoverishing injustices of the Penal Laws and absentee landlords, Daniel O’connell created a political force based on the unity of Irish culture, Irish nationalism and the Catholic Church. This effectively excluded Irish Protestants and their growing economic and industrial ties to Britain and the Empire.
This divide was reflected in the establishment of two states in Ireland and is still not resolved. Yet, our shared heritage and the effects of conversion and intermarriage mean that we have more in common than divides us.
The Good Friday Agreement offered us the opportunity to live together in a state which respected both aspirations. The Northern Ireland Protocol is an extension of that agreement and has the potential commercial advantage of having a foot in both camps; offering another chance to live and prosper together.
We should set our divisions to one side and grasp it.
ARTHUR BELL Belfast