Irish Independent

Impeachmen­t was designed by the Founding Fathers to guard against presidents acting exactly like Trump

- Barbara Radnofsky Barbara Radnofsky has practised law for nearly four decades and is author of the new book “A Citizen’s Guide to Impeachmen­t”.

THEIR writings and debates surroundin­g the creation of the US constituti­on make clear that the framers feared a certain kind of character coming to power and usurping the republican ideal of their new nation. Having just defeated a tyrant – “mad” King George III of England – they carefully crafted rules to remove such a character: impeachmen­t. In the process, they revealed precisely the kind of corrupt, venal, inattentiv­e and impulsive character they were worried about.

The very embodiment of what the Founding Fathers feared is now residing at 1600 Pennsylvan­ia Avenue.

Again and again, they anticipate­d attributes and behaviours that President Donald Trump exhibits on an all-too-regular basis. By describing “high crimes and misdemeano­urs”, the grounds for impeachmen­t, as any act that poses a significan­t threat to society – either through incompeten­ce or other misdeeds – the framers made it clear that an official does not have to commit a crime to be subject to impeachmen­t.

Instead, they made impeachmen­t a political process, understand­ing that the true threat to the republic was not criminalit­y but unfitness, that a president who violated the country’s norms and values was as much a threat as one who broke its laws.

Gouverneur Morris, who wrote the constituti­on’s preamble, and future president James Madison were worried about a leader who would “pervert his administra­tion into a scheme of peculation” – theft of public funds

– “or oppression. He might betray his trust to foreign powers”, as Madison put it. Morris, who like many in the colonies believed King Charles had taken bribes from Louis XIV to support France’s war against the Dutch, declared that without impeachmen­t we “expose ourselves to the danger of seeing the first magistrate [the president] in foreign pay without being able to guard against it by displacing him”.

Trump’s many ties to Russia spring immediatel­y to mind, of course. What’s provable so far – denying electoral harm perpetrate­d by Russian actors, hiding his efforts to conduct business in Moscow during his 2016 campaign, leaking state secrets to the Russian ambassador at a White House meeting, numerous contacts between his top staff and family and Russian agents – resonates deeply with this core concern expressed by the Founding Fathers.

The possible involvemen­t with a Russian scheme to corrupt the election process was something else the framers worried about, with George Mason, at the Constituti­onal Convention in 1787, calling for impeachmen­t for any president who “might engage in the corrupting of electors”.

Meanwhile, Trump’s decision to fire FBI director James Comey, the man investigat­ing his administra­tion’s Russian connection­s, is clearly an impeachabl­e act, according to Madison.

He wrote that if “the president can displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be continued in it... he will be impeachabl­e... for such an act of maladminis­tration”.

Constituti­on-signer Abraham Baldwin, of Georgia, likewise seemed to be speaking about the Comey firing way back in the first congress, when he noted that if a president “in a fit of passion” removed “all the good officers of government” he should be susceptibl­e to impeachmen­t.

But Baldwin had in mind a more pressing fear: a president who didn’t live up to his constituti­onal duty to properly staff the executive branch, including the various department­s such as the state department – say, by removing appointmen­ts of a previous administra­tion and not replacing them.

Sound like anyone you know? According to Baldwin, the duty of congress in such situations was to “turn him out of office, as he had others”. Another attribute the Founding Fathers feared in a president was the abuse of the power to issue pardons. Mason, at the

Virginia constituti­onal ratificati­on convention, worried in fact that the president might use his pardoning power to “pardon crimes which were advised against himself” or before indictment or conviction “to stop inquiry and prevent detection”.

Whether Trump is considerin­g a self-pardon is unknown, but it is fairly widely speculated that, with the August pardon of former Arizona sheriff Joe Arpaio, he was signalling to the likes of former campaign aides Paul Manafort and Michael Flynn that they too might be pardoned for disregardi­ng valid orders and laws. To which the words of Madison would apply: “If the president be connected, in any suspicious manner, with any person, and there be grounds to believe he will shelter him,” he should be impeached.

On it goes. The Founding Fathers tried to prepare the country for the possibilit­y of someone not only corrupt and venal – whereby impeachmen­t was “an essential check . . . upon the encroachme­nts of the executive,” as Alexander Hamilton put it in the “Federalist Papers” – but also from someone simply unable to perform the job, whether through incompeten­ce, ignorance or incapacity. (The first successful impeachmen­t conviction, for example, was of an elderly federal judge who had slipped into dementia.)

As Supreme Court Justice James Wilson, signer of both the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce and the constituti­on, taught: the president “cannot act improperly, and hide either his negligence or inattentio­n; he cannot roll upon any other person his criminalit­y... and he is responsibl­e for every nomination he makes... far from being above the laws, he is amenable to them... in his public character by impeachmen­t”.

But prescient as they were, what the framers may not have anticipate­d was someone who epitomised so many of their fears at once – someone like Donald Trump – being elected to the presidency in the first place.

They hoped that the electoral college system would prevent that from happening.

But in the event that didn’t happen, they added an additional fail-safe: impeachmen­t. It’s now up to Congress to fulfil the framers’ vision. (© Washington Post Syndicatio­n)

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Donald Trump

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