The lethal cocktail that could finish May and the Brexiteers

IS THIS it? The moment when the May premiership is over? Could Jeremy Corbyn end up taking power in a matter of weeks? It’s at least possible, though I concede it sounds far-fetched.

In history, some British prime ministers have had their premierships wrecked by the ‘Irish Question’. Others, in more recent times, have been destroyed by Europe. Theresa May is unique in managing to combine both intractable and insoluble issues into one lethal cocktail.

And so, it seems she is about to swallow the poison. Her premiership may be even shorter than many anticipated, and a Jeremy Corbyn-led government could be a fact of British life by the time the snows melt next year. Here’s how.

From what we can discern, her government is perfectly happy to concede “special status” for Northern Ireland/ Ireland in the Brexit talks – anathema to the Ulster Unionists. This is because her government desperately needs to get onto the second phase of the process – the trade talks for the whole UK – and MPs, without being too crude about it, are happy to sign whatever the EU sticks under their nose and worry about the consequences later.

They will risk their support from the DUP to get moving on Brexit. Jobs (Tory MPs’ included) are at stake. After all, ministers such as David Davis always say that “nothing’s agreed until everything’s agreed”, so having now ratted on the Democratic Unionists, they can, in due course, re-rat on the Irish and the EU, after a trade deal is sorted out.

With a bit of luck, some creative ambiguity and some more bribes and false promises for the DUP, May might just pull it off. Perfidious Albion would have foxed the Unionists in the national (ie Tory) interest.

For such an unlucky PM, it would be a bit of a turnaround – but, as in horse racing and football, the form book does count for something; the litany of calamities suggest she won’t, in fact, get away with it.

The DUP could quite conceivably get so angry that it’d scrap its agreement with the Tory-minority Government and resolve to get rid of it. Then May would have to appeal to the opposition parties, especially Labour, to rescue her.

Fat chance. If Corbyn wants, he could find any number of grounds for voting May out of office, but failure of Brexit is a pretty good one. He could then either cobble together a new Frankenstein coalition or, more realistically, follow the provisions of the Fixed Term Parliament Act to secure a fresh general election.

Of course that would mean the DUP would let in the “Sinn Fein-loving Corbyn” (as they might see it), so it’d have a tough choice, but it might have sufficient fear about what its constituents in Ulster would do to the party if it kept the treacherous Tories in power.

So we’d have an election in, say, February and perhaps another hung parliament – but with Labour as the largest party, only constrained by parliamentary arithmetic.

They would ask, if it was sensible, to put Brexit on pause while it changes policy, and the EU would happily oblige if there was a chance of reversing Brexit – via, say, a second referendum. Or Corbyn and Keir Starmer could just agree to stay in the single market and some version of the customs union.

In which case, by spring, it would all be over for May, Boris, Gove and the old gang, and they could get on with their civil war in earnest.

Not for the first time, the ball is in Corbyn’s court, both in terms of unseating May and stopping Brexit, or at least a hard Brexit. The Irish Question and the European issue will, not for the first time, have altered the course of British history, and end prematurely some once glittering political careers.