Now is time to make tough calls on the North’s future

IT JUST cannot be allowed to drag on interminably. It is now almost a year since the Northern Ireland power-sharing executive collapsed and desultory negotiations between the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin have continued in an on-off fashion since last January.

The North Secretary, James Brokenshire, has recommended a 25pc political pay reduction, in two phases, taking salaries for the 90 assembly members from £49,500

(€56,000) to almost £36,000

(€41,000).

It seems a reasonable move and could concentrate minds. A similar threat in

2006 did ultimately help lead to the restoration of power-sharing in 2007.

The reality is the North’s politicians, on both sides of the divide, have failed in their jobs. They have left Northern Ireland without an effective voice in Brexit talks – bearing in mind that a majority in the North voted to stay in the EU.

Both the Tánaiste Simon Coveney and Taoiseach Leo Varadkar have raised the prospect of the Dublin and London governments taking a hand in making decisions for Northern Ireland. The realpolitik of this situation is that the Irish Government is obliged to act on behalf of nationalists in the North, while they rightly say they have obligations to both communities.

But one way or another, both governments must seize the initiative early in 2018.

Neither the DUP nor Sinn Féin can claim they have not been given enough time and the issue must top the agenda for talks expected early in the new year between Leo Varadkar and British Prime Minister Theresa May.

But there is no sign that either of them is ready to take the political risks. Risktaking for the greater good is the real test of leadership.

In 2018, we will be coming up to the 20th anniversary of the groundbreaking Good Friday Agreement. We could not have thought then that two decades later things would be at such an impasse.

For better or worse, by this time next year we will know the outcome of Brexit and how it will affect everyone on this island.

The implications are enormous for farming and trade and tens of thousands of jobs ride upon the result.

But Brexit also brings a whole new set of issues around national identity for both unionists and nationalists.

From the stance adopted by Arlene Foster, it is clear that her priority is maintaining the link with Britain and ensuring the North leaves the EU on identical terms to Scotland, England and Wales.

Many nationalists, on the other hand, see in Brexit a chance to move towards their long-term goal of a united Ireland.

An awareness of these differing attitudes compounds Brexit problems and puts a workable solution to the issues at risk.