Irish Independent

Macron’s message of hope will last – and it could be his most important

- Anne Applebaum

SIX weeks ago world leaders gathered to mark the 100th anniversar­y of the Armistice that ended World War I. There were a lot of distractio­ns that day. The US president was afraid of some rain; the Russian president was insouciant­ly late. Since then, there have been more distractio­ns: the gilets jaunes (yellow vest protesters), US defence secretary Jim Mattis’s resignatio­n, the stock-market drop.

But as 2018 ends and a new year opens, it’s worth pausing to remember the speech made that day (November 11) by the French president, Emmanuel Macron. If nothing else, it might point the way to a better 2019.

Ostensibly, Macron’s subject was World War I, the brutal moment when “Europe very nearly committed suicide”. But the real theme was France – or rather, the two different visions of France that have competed with each other for more than a century. On the one hand, the French president described a nationalis­t, isolationi­st, internally focused vision of France; this definition of the nation has been around for a very long time, and it does have a deep, primal appeal: “Our interests first and who cares about the rest,” as Macron put it. This is something everyone can understand.

But Macron also laid out another way of thinking about his country, a “vision of France as a generous nation, of France as a project, of France promoting universal values... the exact opposite of the egotism of a people who look after only their interests”. This more idealistic patriotism – “the exact opposite of nationalis­m”, said Macron – is a more difficult cause to support, and yet over the years, many in France have supported it. This is the France that overturned the verdict in the Dreyfus trial, the France that believed all citizens, and not just ethnic Frenchmen, should be treated equally under the law; this is the France that joined the Resistance instead of Vichy, the France that agreed to share power and sovereignt­y with Germany in the wake of World War II.

That kind of patriotism, linked to bigger ideals about democracy and the common good, is important to think about right now. It might be an antidote to the polarisati­on that social media accentuate­s; to anger, the emotion that travels most rapidly online; to the cynicism that dominates the internet. Some are already trying to make it work.

A few weeks ago I spoke with Flavia Kleiner, the 28-year-old co-founder of Operation Libero, a Swiss online movement. Provoked by the electoral success of the nationalis­t, anti-immigratio­n Swiss People’s Party, Operation Libero campaigns on a different vision of the country. “We are offering a more positive view of Switzerlan­d; we don’t want it to be an openair museum with an idealised past,” Kleiner says. Like other spontaneou­s new organisati­ons, her group’s members find one another online, outside of traditiona­l political party lines. But instead of mobilising “against”, they mobilise “in favour”: in favour of rule of law, in favour of a historic tradition of Swiss liberalism and in favour of a Switzerlan­d that plays an important role in Europe and the world. Kleiner says their social media following is now bigger than that of the populist right. That success has had some echoes elsewhere: in Poland, Hungary and Slovakia.

Of course, it won’t always work. Macron’s own efforts to rekindle a different sort of patriotism in France are in trouble, threatened by precisely the kind of online anger he is seeking to combat. But even if, some three years from now, he turns out to be a one-term president, Macron’s message will last much longer, maybe proving even more important than his political career.

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