Time to talk in Northern Ireland

THE main political parties in Northern Ireland have been invited to participate in political talks tomorrow at Stormont Castle, Belfast. In a shared approach, as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the Irish and British governments have agreed that this phase of talks will be best supported by an “intensive process to drive progress”. The talks have two objectives: to allow the political parties to reach an agreement on the formation of a new executive and to address the implementation of outstanding issues from previous agreements. Elsewhere last week, the British Prime Minister Theresa May’s letter to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, which triggered Article 50, contained specific reference to Ireland and the unique and special relationship between Ireland and the UK. It recognised Ireland’s priorities, including the preservation of the Common Travel Area and avoiding a return to a hard border with Northern Ireland. It also emphasised the importance of the peace process. Following the triggering of Article 50, the European Parliament also reflected on these issues and identified Northern Ireland as one of only four initial priorities listed by Chief EU Negotiator Michel Barnier. Draft guidelines circulated by Mr Tusk also include very strong acknowledgement of Ireland’s unique circumstances. This is to be welcomed, and it must be acknowledged as a diplomatic coup for the Government here.

However, the British government is moving forward with what was described in the Dail last week as the “historically destructive” Brexit process with no political leadership speaking for the people of Northern Ireland. This is an untenable state of affairs. It is incumbent on both the main parties in Northern Ireland, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein, to engage meaningfully in talks this week to form a new executive following what were, in our view, needless elections in Northern Ireland. It is instructive that the so-called cash for ash scandal, ostensibly the reason for Sinn Fein’s withdrawal from the executive, which precipitated the elections, has been referred to less and less in reports about negotiations. This has given rise to credible speculation that Sinn Fein is seeking to manipulate and exploit recent developments to create division in both parts of the island, and build support North and South.

With its new mandate, Sinn Fein’s current approach is to focus on the implementation of agreements that had been previously agreed with the two governments, specifically on human rights, equality and legacy issues. However, the extent of Sinn Fein’s demands at this early stage in the negotiation process is in itself becoming prohibitive to the re-establishment of the executive. There is a suspicion that this is a deliberate ploy. It is important to note that there is no statutory provision for direct rule, following its removal — supported by the Irish Government — as part of the St Andrews Agreement more than 10 years ago. If the current negotiations fail, an option open to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland is to call fresh elections, something which he is, understandably, reluctant to do at this stage. However, Sinn Fein continues to create the impression that the lure of further elections is attractive following its success in the most recent Assembly elections. The result of that poll means that unionist parties are no longer in a majority and presages a time when pro-union voters may not be either. Sinn Fein’s unstated approach indicates a sectarian mindset intended to bolster its untimely demands for a border poll towards achieving a united Ireland. This is foolhardy and cynical in the extreme. That said, it is equally incumbent on the DUP to engage in the governments’ intensive process. Failure to do so would be negligent to the interests of all of the people in Northern Ireland at this most critical time.