So what’s really changed in Lucky Leo’s first year?
Leo Varadkar and his predecessor Enda Kenny are very different operators, writes Philip Ryan
THE first year of the Varadkar era of national politics drew to a close yesterday. Saturday marked the first anniversary of the Taoiseach’s landslide victory over Tanaiste Simon Coveney to become leader of Fine Gael. But has anything really changed since Varadkar was elected to run the country by a small group of Fine Gael parliamentarians?
Enda Kenny is often disparagingly referred to as a lucky general — a party leader parachuted into high office through circumstance rather than design. This is unfair. Leo Varadkar is arguably a far more fortunate Taoiseach.
Yes, his strategy to become Fine Gael leader was well thought-out and executed and his opinion-poll ratings are far superior to his predecessor.
But his ascension in politics has coincided with a period of economic stability which the country has not seen in almost a decade, while Kenny was given the keys to the State at a time when Ireland was bankrupt.
Kenny raided the National Pension Reserve Fund during his tenure while Varadkar is establishing a €2bn rainy day fund.
Kenny argued with the Labour Party over budget cuts while Varadkar is teeing up a row with Fianna Fail over reducing the Government’s cash pile for spending and tax cuts.
There is a huge contrast in their approach to politics, it is said, but so far there is little difference in the outcomes.
In the Department of the Taoiseach, those who worked with both leaders say they could not be more different. “They are like night and day,” said one insider.
Kenny would stride the corridors of Government Buildings greeting all he would meet on the way. Pleasantries were exchanged and everyone was referred to by their first name.
Varadkar, a more focused but socially withdrawn leader, is less likely to take time out of his schedule for a quick chat with a civil servant or political colleague.
Time keeping is important to Varadkar. When he says a meeting will last an hour, it lasts an hour. Kenny, on the other hand, was always notoriously late for meetings.
People were left hours waiting for him. But when he arrived at an event, he was generous with his time and ensured he spoke with everyone in the room.
Staff who worked with both say Varadkar still struggles with political engagements. They say he’s still uncomfortable when faced with large crowds at public functions.
“He should learn to enjoy the gig rather than see it as a function associated with the job,” a source said.
However, Varadkar is very self-aware and has told colleagues he would like to improve his social skills.
At Cabinet, the change in leadership is particularly evident. One minister who served under both Taoisigh said Kenny went through the Cabinet agenda “like a residents’ association meeting” while Varadkar insists in debating the minutiae of every policy decision.
“Kenny went around the table one-by-one and asked for statements and moved on, Varadkar wants to talk through and debate absolutely everything,” the minister said.
Varadkar’s unique selling point has always been his accessibility to parliamentary colleagues. Kenny was protected by a wall of battle-hardened advisers who wouldn’t reply to emails, while Varadkar regularly makes personal contact with backbenchers.
The wining and dining of colleagues in the run up to the Fine Gael leadership campaign has continued and it is not unusual for the Taoiseach to invite a backbencher to football or rugby internationals.
There were fears in sections of the party that Varadkar’s leadership would be autocratic but those concerns have been alleviated.
TDs say the Taoiseach is always looking for “bright ideas” and is willing to take criticism of his own proposals.
Varadkar’s tight circle of advisers has ensured there is a flow of information between the Department of the Taoiseach and the parliamentary party.
“His team are not arrogant and they don’t treat you like s**t,” one senior Fine Gael figure said of the difference between Kenny and Varadkar’s circle.
As of yet, Varadkar has not produced a signature budget policy for which he will be remembered.
Last year’s budget was essentially the continued implementation of measures agreed by Fianna Fail and Fine Gael under the confidence and supply agreement.
Increasing the entry point for the top rate of tax was the only significant move away from Kenny’s focus on cutting the Universal Social Charge (USC). Minister for Finance Paschal Donohoe’s commitment to merge USC and PRSI was also new, but this is still very much at a planning stage and there are doubts over how much can be achieved in the forthcoming budget.
The genesis of the Government’s auto-enrolment pension plan was during Varadkar’s tenure as Minister for Social Protection. Regina Doherty is continuing that work but, again, it’s highly unlikely we will see any real progress before the next election.
The Government’s muchhyped National Development Plan was in the works long before the current Taoiseach rebranded it as Project Ireland 2040. It brings us to another notable change in Government policy since the appointment of Varadkar as Taoiseach — spin or, as he would say, making communications a virtue.
The communications strategy culminated in the establishment of the now redundant Strategic Communications Unit (SCU). The proposal, which had its merits, was to combine the €170m annual Government communications and centralise the spending into a single public relations beast.
The Taoiseach’s obsession with image and media could come to define his time in office if he is not careful. He has become synonymous with curated social media posts and videos aimed at tapping into the ‘youth market’.
But it is working, as he is by far the most popular political leader among 18-34 year olds. The civil service have found themselves playing catch-up when it comes to Varadkar’s social media and general communications output.
The SCU project resulted in a demoralising defeat for Varadkar, who was ultimately forced to disband his PR machine due to the amount of bad publicity it generated.
However, it was not the most demoralising defeat for the Taoiseach in his first year in office.
The forced resignation of Tanaiste Frances Fitzgerald over her knowledge of a Garda legal strategy aimed at undermining whistleblower Sgt Maurice McCabe was undoubtedly the most bruising experience for the new Taoiseach.
More than two decades ago, Fitzgerald gave Varadkar his first taste of politics when he did a week’s work experience in her Leinster House office during his secondary school transition year.
But less than six months in the Taoiseach’s Office, he found himself boxed into a corner by a more seasoned political operator in Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and had to watch Fitzgerald step down.
Some viewed Varadkar’s strategy during the episode as naive while others felt it showed loyalty to a colleague. Kenny, some say, would have moved quicker to cut loose Fitzgerald.
Varadkar bounced back after the controversy when he secured what he called a “cast-iron” agreement on the North from the UK once Brexit negotiations are completed.
We will know how cast iron this agreement is later this month, or we may have to wait longer as the British continue to put forward more and more barmier ideas to prevent a hard border.
Varadkar is an ardent Europhile, far more so than Kenny. EU sources say Kenny was reluctant to note Ireland had become a net contributor to the EU budget.
Varadkar, meanwhile, is proud of the country’s contribution to the EU fund. He is also open to more Irish involvement in EU defence and security initiatives.
Varadkar will be remembered for his role in repealing the Eighth Amendment in much the same way Kenny is credited with the introduction of marriage equality.
In each referendum, both Taoisigh played a vital but somewhat removed role in securing a Yes vote.
Personal stories and non-political activism were the backbone of both campaigns but a forward-thinking Taoiseach was needed to ensure each vote was held.
Senior Fianna Fail figures believe Varadkar is still hurting from the Tanaiste and McCabe affair which makes him likely to seek revenge.
At present, relations between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are relatively stable but this will change closer to the budget and what is now being predicted as a November general election.
Varadkar was one of those putting pressure on Kenny to go in November when the former Taoiseach was toying with a snap election. However, Kenny was convinced by Labour Party leader Joan Burton not to pull the plug.
Varadkar is unlikely to face much opposition from his Independent government partners. And, if he does, he will pay them little attention. He will also be keen to avoid the annual hospital trolley crisis in January, having served two years as Minister for Health.
Brexit will also be to the fore in his mind.
Ministers say Varadkar does not want a caretaker Taoiseach in place when Britain formerly leaves the European Union next March.
Before he goes to the polls, he will want to cement a reputation of being a reforming leader. After all, these months might be his last as Taoiseach.
The abortion referendum has played well for Varadkar but by November it will be long forgotten.
Voters will expect more than carefully crafted social media videos and quirky tweets.
A defining budget policy will be essential if he wants to distinguish his term in office from that of Enda Kenny. It is more likely the budget will be the foundations of an election manifesto.
Fine Gael members are happy with their new leader but if the party is to expand, far more creativity is needed to appeal to the general public.
‘Varadkar will want to cement a reputation as a reformer’