The Irish Mail on Sunday

The Untouchabl­es

Most odious of all is that we have more than one Eliot Ness... we just don’t support them

- JOHN LEE

The dapper PR man had spent all of the day of April 18, 2000 talking cobblers about an account at AIB bank in Rathfarnha­m. He couldn’t recall what he had done with the hundreds of thousands of pounds that had passed through it. Yet as Frank Dunlop blathered, I thought of Eliot Ness and the Untouchabl­es.

Back then, 16 years ago, I was a young reporter who spent much of his week under the corrugated iron roof of a large shed in Dublin Castle.

That day we sensed an arrogant, powerful and corrupt man had been cornered. Sick of the evasion, Justice Fergus Flood wound up the day’s hearing of the Flood Tribunal by saying to Dunlop: ‘Perhaps you might reflect overnight and tell us what was the purpose of the bank account.’

Dunlop, too, sensed a reckoning: he might be facing the slammer. The following day he returned and gave an extraordin­ary account of how he had passed out hundreds of thousands in bribery and corruption involving politician­s and businessme­n. Maybe I was guileless, maybe a little flush with youthful notions that bad guys ‘go down’ and good guys get their man, but I truly believed the disclosure­s might be a seminal moment for Ireland. The Government would now move and set a up an independen­t law enforcemen­t agency immune to political pressure that would be the curse of white-collar criminals.

There would be an Eliot Ness, a cool, clean hero like Kevin Costner’s character in the classic 1987 Brian De Palma movie The Untouchabl­es. And forensic accountant­s like Oscar Wallace. And tough Irish cops, like Jimmy Malone, to interrogat­e financial gangsters in language they would understand.

It would have to be an agency with huge resources, real powers and be free of the meddling of politician­s and the traditiona­l civil service.

But the tribunals droned on for another decade – providing good news copy but by the time they got around to each issue it was ancient history. The Moriarty Tribunal reported in 2011, Flood was replaced by Justice Mahon and he issued his final report in 2012.

By then Enda Kenny was in power and he had found a perfect replacemen­t for a tribunal: the toothless and ponderous Inquiry, a forum for political fudge.

The government­s led by Enda Kenny, who has been in power since 2011, like inquiries.

He has establishe­d lots of formal Commission­s of Investigat­ion. There is the Cregan Inquiry into the activities of the Irish Bank Resolution Corporatio­n, formerly known as Anglo Irish Bank. There is the Fennelly Commission of Inquiry into the taping of phone calls to Garda stations. His government also set up the Murphy Inquiry into mother and baby homes and the O’Higgins Inquiry into the allegation­s of Garda Maurice McCabe. An inquiry has also been establishe­d into the shooting of Real IRA man Ronan MacLochlai­nn and another into the death of Gary Douch in prison custody.

There was also the Guerin Inquiry, which was connected to the other Garda inquiries. An investigat­ion into the activities of the National Assets Management Agency in Northern Ireland is likely to be extended here.

And, of course, we had the Big Kahuna – the Banking Inquiry.

Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport Shane Ross and his Junior Minister Patrick O’Donovan unveiled another inquiry recently. They said it would be completed in 12 weeks. We asked at the launch/ press conference: ‘Given that Pat Hickey is in jail in Brazil, how much of a role will he play in all of this? How can you speak to Pat Hickey if he remains in custody for a prolonged period of time? Is it not Hamlet without the Prince?’

Mr O’Donovan replied: ‘Well, we want to be very sure in the first instance that we don’t in any way impact on any investigat­ion that is happening in another jurisdicti­on and from the outset we have been very keen to point out that. There is a parallel investigat­ion that is going on in Brazil, we don’t believe what we are establishi­ng here will in any way impact on that.’

And they had been guaranteed full ‘cooperatio­n from the Olympic Council of Ireland’.

Inquiries allow politician­s to avoid answering questions. This investigat­ion can’t compel witnesses to attend and can’t seize bank account details. As tribunals and inquiries were pursuing their questionab­le agendas, we had State agencies who did, in fact, have sweeping statutory powers to dispassion­ately investigat­e, to arrest people and raid offices. But they have no resources and no backing, and are given no respect.

The Office of the Director of Corporate Enforcemen­t is the State’s main watchdog when it comes to investigat­ing allegation­s of white-collar crime. It was operating without any in-house accountant­s for 15 months between February 2015 and May this year.

In 2014, when it had just one forensic accountant, its director said that it needed at least five more to be ‘credible’. A vacancy for a computer specialist has been open for nearly two years, while two senior investigat­or positions also need to be filled.

The ODCE prosecuted just three people in the District Court last year, with no proceeding­s at all launched in the Circuit Court.

The Garda Inspectora­te said last December that the Garda Bureau of Fraud Investigat­ion (the Fraud Squad) is ‘struggling to manage the demands placed on it’. Its IT system is not ‘fit for purpose’. The Inspectora­te said the Fraud Squad had a ‘serious deficiency in capability’ and should be wound up. It said a new super crime agency, the Serious and Organised Crime Unit, should replace it. I thought of that one – as a young lad at a tribunal hearing 16 years ago.

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