A Mass collection robbery, FF and its despicable deal with the Church

IT WAS a crime that at once raised outrage at its sacrilege and caused parishioners to giggle. One Sunday in May 2013, local Fianna Fáil hero John McGuinness enjoyed tea and biscuits after Mass at Dunmore Church. At the beautiful oldbuilding (built in 1817), on the outskirts of Kilkenny City John McGuinness had reasons to be happy. He was among his people, the Fianna Fáil churchgate collection had gone well and RTÉ had filmed Mass. The cameras had attracted large numbers of Massgoers and Fianna Fáil, supreme opportunists, had increased the number of bucket shakers. But there were more dastardly opportunists lurking. Criminals were attracted by the high number of cars. They broke into some of them, including the one holding the money collected by Fianna Fáil outside Mass. The Fianna Fáil stash had been lifted!

Was it hoodlums come down the M9 motorway from Dublin? Was it a message from God about the controversial practice of political fundraisers outside Mass on a Sunday? Or had Fine Gael turned to crime after a dry church collection spell? We may never know.

The theft shone a light on a practice that many metropolitan non-Massgoers thought had long disappeared. Fianna Fáil raises about €200,000 a year from money collections outside rural masses (they don’t do it in Dublin). It also reminded us that the party has a close and complicated relationship with the Catholic Church.

THAT is why I was puzzled when, last week, Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin called on the Catholic Church to hand over any property interests it holds in hospitals and schools in the State. I reckoned it was an area best avoided by Martin. But then, this is Fianna Fáil, the masters of the political stunt. Martin used the Seán O’Rourke show on RTÉ Radio 1 to make the diversionary announcement. The storm over the Tuam babies scandal was at its height. But O’Rourke is sharp. He immediately asked Martin about a Cabinet decision in 2002. Martin was then Minister of Health in the Fianna Fáil/PD coalition.

Michael Woods was the minister for education, Bertie Ahern the taoiseach.

In 2002 an indemnity agreement was signed between the State and 18 religious congregations, which meant the State became liable for any claims made against them. It was agreed that the religious orders would contribute cash, property and land totalling €128million. At the end of 2015, €21million of this remained to be transferred to the State.

The redress scheme has cost the State €1.5billion.

In 2013 Labour education minister Ruairi Quinn, a man not thought to be close to the Church, established a new policy that the religious orders should share equal liability. This was policy, not law. The State misguidedly thought the Church might feel a moral obligation. Quinn later admitted he ‘got nowhere’ convincing the Church to go 50:50. The Church knew the law – it was established by Fianna Fáil back in 2002.

The indemnity was invoked 33 times. After the publication in 2009 of the horrific Ryan Report about sexual abuse by the Catholic Church even the congregations seemed ashamed. They offered additional cash and property of €353million. But then – clearly the shame subsiding – the most heinous of abusers the Christian Brothers, withdrew an offer of school playing fields and lands valued at €127million.

Only €85million of this €353million was received by the State, according to the C&AG’s report published last week. The report said ‘there is no legal obligation regarding the outstanding €141million. The timeline for receiving those contributions is not clear.’

Most of the scandals that the Church and State have colluded in are horrifying. This 2002 dirty deal between Church and State is simply distilled: the obscenely rich Church and its many congregations would not pay for decades of sexual and physical abuse of youngsters. The taxpayer would. At one time the Catholic Church in Ireland owned or occupied more than 10,700 properties across the country and controlled nearly 6,700 religious and educational sites.

The asset portfolio included schools, houses, halls, churches, convents, parks, sports fields, hospitals, farms, warehouses, shops and tracts of land. The property is worth billions.

Then, of course, there is the Vatican. The Vatican has fought court cases to stop its international dioceses being linked to it financially.

We do not know Micheál Martin’s motivation for making last week’s statement. But he made it at a time when the historical crimes of the Church are again sickening us. Martin has power now. Fianna Fáil is in a position to dictate terms to Taoiseach Enda Kenny. Kenny has made a big play of standing up to the Church but hasn’t gone after its cash and land.

IF MARTIN has any concern for the victims of abuse he will go into the Dáil and declare that the outrageous 2002 agreement should be torn up. He should stake his political reputation on stating that practically all the Catholic Church’s assets in Ireland should be seized.

And the Catholic Church could take comfort in The Book of Matthew. Jesus is quoted as saying: ‘If you want to be perfect, go, sell your possessions and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven. Then come, follow me.’

Fianna Fáil’s founder Éamon de Valera had to be convinced to tone down his fawning to the Catholic Church in the 1937 Constitution. Emissaries were even sent to consult the Vatican on the document.

Bertie Ahern, Martin’s boss when their government struck that 2002 deal, was close to the Catholic Church. This is Martin’s chance for redemption.

They can keep churches like Dunmore.

And anyone who saw anything suspicious on Sunday morning, May 12, 2013, around Dunmore Church on the Castlecomer Road, Kilkenny is asked to ring Kilkenny gardaí on 056 7775000. In the strictest confidence.