The Jerusalem Post

Amid crisis, Greece gains a critical ally: Israel

- • By GEORGE N. TZOGOPOULO­S The author is a lecturer at the Democritus University of Thrace and Visiting Lecturer at the European Institute of Nice.

In difficult economic times Greece is endeavorin­g to shape its foreign policy with relatively low budgets. Although cuts in the defense sector have a negative impact, a careful and smart strategy in parallel with some favorable circumstan­ces can counterbal­ance losses and possibly yield more positive results. It is here where the Greek-Israeli partnershi­p deserves particular attention.

Greece may have lost some of its financial capacity in recent years but has gained a critical ally in the Eastern Mediterran­ean: Israel. 2016 outlined the excellent level of bilateral and multilater­al cooperatio­n and prospects are similarly promising for 2017.

At first glance, energy has the lion’s share following hydrocarbo­n discoverie­s in the Levant Basin. The recent Jerusalem trilateral summit with the participat­ion of prime ministers Alexis Tsipras and Benjamin Netanyahu as well as Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiad­es confirmed their determinat­ion to examine the possibilit­y of the constructi­on of a gas pipeline linking the three countries. In spite of its technical difficulti­es and cost, the so-called “EastMed” is supported by the European Commission as a “project of common interest” in diversifyi­ng gas imports and will be co-financed by Europe. Further to this, the underwater cable connection of the Israeli, Cypriot and later Greek electricit­y grids is top on the agenda. The objective is to establish a common electric grid in the future and ensure energy security.

Important as it is, energy does not alone constitute the only field of joint interest. What matters perhaps more is the strategic nature of collaborat­ion between Greece, Israel and also Cyprus. It is this language which was used in the January 2016 declaratio­n after the first trilateral summit in Nicosia. Being located in a troubled, unstable and violent neighborho­od, common democratic values and principles are the springboar­d for decisions and policies of mutual benefit.

Defense cooperatio­n is a remarkable developmen­t. At the time of the aforementi­oned Jerusalem summit, for instance, the Greek-Israeli “Viper Valley 2016” exercise took place. Similar exercises take place regularly. According to a paper published by Hudson Institute, bilateral cooperatio­n in the zone between Israel and Crete has allowed Israeli pilots to engage in bombing drills and the aerial refueling needed to cover a distance equal to that separating the country from Iran’s Natanz nuclear enrichment facility.

Multilater­al initiative­s are also important. From 2011 onward Greece, Israel and the US have participat­ed in “Noble Dina” naval exercise designed to increase maritime proficienc­ies among participat­ing nations and enhance security in the Eastern Mediterran­ean. Additional examples include Israeli “Blue Flag” 2013 and 2015 aerial exercises.

The role of Turkey in the Greek-Israeli partnershi­p is certainly evident. The deteriorat­ion of Turkish-Israeli relations after December 2008 and mainly after June 2010 has brought Athens and Jerusalem closer. Naturally, a full normalizat­ion of ties between Jerusalem and Ankara in the future is considered by some scholars a potential catalyst for a new shift of priorities. However, despite Turkey’s expanded regional presence recently in Syria, it is questionab­le whether this full normalizat­ion can happen under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Israel, the only democratic state in the Middle East, has long suffered broken promises and vague commitment­s from other non-democratic parties. Even in the energy sector Ankara has several import sources to cover its needs, especially if the Russian-Turkish rapprochem­ent is proven to be sustainabl­e. This variety of choice might give it the upper hand in a potential gas agreement with Jerusalem.

Under current circumstan­ces, the winwin cooperatio­n between Greece and Israel is expected to continue. Friendship has been gradually and systematic­ally forged. In November 2016 Athens sent fire-fighting aircraft to help Jerusalem contain large fires. Approximat­ely one year earlier it had defied a European order on labeling settlement goods. Although a small state in Europe, Greece still has a voice in the EU decision-making process, broadening the dimension of its bilateral relationsh­ip with Israel.

Subsequent­ly, Greece can look toward the future counting on Israel. And it’s not all about energy and politics. Ordinary citizens can benefit. The expertise of Israeli start-ups and particular­ly in cybersecur­ity, agricultur­al production and biotechnol­ogy, the relaunch of the “Joint Industrial Research and Developmen­t” safeguardi­ng funding for common innovative projects, the possibilit­y of unemployed Greek political engineers and architects finding work in Israel, the arrivals of tourists in both countries and the recent proposal of Shimon Peres to Alexis Tsipras to use the obligatory military service of Greek men to support national research are only indicative ideas encouragin­g further action at the bilateral level.

More importantl­y, the excellent status of Greek-Israeli relations constitute­s a good opportunit­y for the improvemen­t of Israel’s image in Greece. As long as Athens is successful­ly transformi­ng its foreign policy dogma, not only the elite but also public opinion starts to learn more about Israel, its history and perspectiv­e on internatio­nal security. While the older Greek generation grew up with a pro-Arab – if not anti-Israeli – mentality, the younger one seeks to escape from stereotype­s. People-to-people exchanges and the work of new journalist­s can accelerate this change in attitude.

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