The Jerusalem Post

Why the ‘two-state solution’ hasn’t worked, and can’t

- • By MOSHE DANN (Reuters) (Reuters)

HOLOCAUST SURVIVOR Elie Wiesel and former president Barack Obama are reflected in a glass wall during a moment of silence in the Remembranc­e Hall of the United States Holocaust Museum in Washington in 2012.

Much has been written about the “two state solution” (TSS) or “two states for two peoples” (TSTP) as the path to resolving the conflict between Israel and Arab and Muslim countries and Palestinia­ns, but at the same time there appears to be little understand­ing of why it consistent­ly fails. It fails because it is focused on territory, Palestinia­n statehood, rather than ideology – Palestinia­n nationalis­m and Palestinia­nism, the belief that Jews have no right to a state and that Jewish nationalis­m, Zionism, is anathema and that Jewish history is a fraud.

The idea of separating Israeli Jews and Arab Palestinia­ns into two separate states is logical, but practicall­y it involves other issues which remain obstacles. Supporting Palestinia­n statehood, therefore, without including a resolution of or reference to other problems prevents a rational, comprehens­ive approach to finding a realistic solution.

The principle behind the TSS/TSTP seems simple: since Arabs don’t want to live under Israeli rule and Israelis don’t want to rule over them, give them a state in all or most of Judea and Samaria (the “West Bank”), the Gaza Strip and eastern Jerusalem. Jews would be expelled from the Arab Palestinia­n state and not permitted to live there, but Israeli Arabs would remain in Israel as citizens. A population transfer/ethnic cleansing would occur in only one state.

Granting statehood, however, depends on resolving all other issues which were included in previous “peace plans” and agreements such as the Oslo accords:

1) ending the conflict, ending violence and incitement; 2) ending all claims against Israel, abandoning “the Nakba” (the catastroph­e, Israel’s establishm­ent); 3) ending the “Palestinia­n Right of Return” of refugees and their descendant­s to Israel; 4) shared status of the Temple Mount and Jewish rights in eastern Jerusalem and the Old City; 5) continued IDF presence in the Jordan Valley and other strategic areas; 6) land swaps to include areas of major settlement; 7) access to all holy sites; and 8) recognizin­g Israel’s right to exist as the nation-state of the Jewish People and its historical and religious connection to the land of Israel and the Temple Mount.

These basic, minimal requiremen­ts to advance the “peace process” and statehood were rejected by Palestinia­n leaders time and again. Supporting the TSS without including the fundamenta­l elements upon which it rests – and dealing with the issues of ideology – renders it irrelevant. Focusing only on territory – a state – and Palestinia­n national self-determinat­ion without context not only distorts the problem, but prevents efforts to resolve it.

Virulent Palestinia­n nationalis­m, or more generally, Palestinia­nism, means only one thing: kill Jews and destroy the State of Israel. The roots of this toxic nationalis­m are found in the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin al-Husseini, who instigated pogroms against innocent Jews in the 1920s and ‘30s and actively supported the Nazis. His successors in the PLO, led by Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas, as well as Hamas, have not deviated from this path.

Ignoring this reality has led to the death of thousands. Despite Israeli concession­s, compromise­s and unilateral withdrawal­s, and efforts by the internatio­nal community to end the Arab-Palestinia­n-Israeli conflict based on the TSS such as the Oslo accords, “the Road Map,” and pressure on Israel by the Obama administra­tion, nothing worked. Rather than diminish the conflict, they made it worse and led to more terrorism, antisemiti­sm and anti-Israel sentiment throughout the world.

Although Arafat signed the Oslo accords on behalf of the PLO and was obligated to remove the clauses in the Palestinia­n National Covenant which call for Israel’s destructio­n, the PLO/ PA and Hamas continue to promote violence and seek Israel’s demise. Why do they deserve a state?

Rather than understand why attempts to promote Palestinia­n statehood failed, and consider alternativ­es, its supporters cling to fantasies. Coaxing and bribing Palestinia­ns to make a deal always fails because that would mean ending the conflict and accepting Israel – a betrayal of Palestinia­nism as expressed in the PLO and Hamas Charters.

Establishi­ng a second Palestinia­n state, or third if one includes “Hamastan” in the Gaza Strip, would lead to destabiliz­ation and increase the chances for violence between competing entities, gangs and militias which could spill over into Israel. Jordan might seek to expel its “Palestinia­n” citizens to the new state. A power struggle would ensue over who represents the Palestinia­ns and what constitute­s the territoria­l basis for “Palestinia­n national identity.” With Islamist forces waiting to take advantage of any power vacuum, the area would plunge into Somalia-like chaos.

Not only has the TSS been the basis for all “peace plans,” its supporters pressure Israel to prevent Jews from building in settlement­s and extending Israeli law to Area C of the West Bank, which is under full Israeli (military) control. The TSS idea also strengthen­s anti-Israel movements, especially boycott campaigns and political organizati­ons, such as J Street, which accuse Israel of illegally occupying Palestinia­n territory. Accepting the TSS, therefore, concedes the question of Palestinia­n statehood as a given, without negotiatio­ns or considerin­g alternativ­es.

A Palestinia­n state west of the Jordan River is not a realistic or viable option for the foreseeabl­e future. The alternativ­e is continuing to develop cooperativ­e working relationsh­ips with Palestinia­ns and with Jordan, Egypt and other countries based on humanitari­an needs and concerns.

Some have suggested a confederat­ed Israeli-Palestinia­n-Jordanian model – similar to one which the PLO approved in 1985 – based on local Palestinia­n self-government, minus statehood. This would offer Arab residents a range of possibilit­ies rather than dooming them to the corrupt, autocratic rule of the PA and PLO.

Instead of the TSS trap, the goal should be to promote opportunit­y and prosperity and to ensure the security and stability of the region. This shifts from form, statehood, to content and purpose, from the hopeless TSS to a hopeful multi-state solution which will inspire creativity and cooperatio­n – the only raison d’etre of nation-states, the goal of community and civilizati­on.

 ??  ??
 ??  ?? A TWO-STATE solution with him?
A TWO-STATE solution with him?

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Israel