The Jerusalem Post

SUBMARINE

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If the question is about Case 3000 (the Submarine Affair), nobody really knows.

This is partly because Netanyahu is not yet officially a suspect in Case 3000. What does the law say? It says that it will not block the police from publishing recommenda­tions regarding investigat­ions that were ongoing when the legislatio­n was approved.

Reasonably, it could be argued that since the Case 3000 probe opened before the law was passed, the police could publish any recommenda­tion to indict the prime minister there, if he becomes a suspect at some point.

But what if Netanyahu asserts that the law only applies to persons who were already suspects in investigat­ions at the time the law was passed?

Since he is not yet a suspect, such an interpreta­tion could force the police to keep their mouth shut regarding any implicatio­ns for him in Case 3000.

It is not a far-fetched interpreta­tion either – some investigat­ions take years.

Shouldn’t the law only apply to aspects of an investigat­ion that developed a year or two after it was passed?

Originally, the bill was written to work retroactiv­ely, and would have shielded Netanyahu from the police publicizin­g any recommenda­tion to indict him in Cases 1000 and 2000.

The authors of the amendment to the law that exempts ongoing investigat­ions could say that the change was targeted at those cases – not future developmen­ts which could not be foreseen. This is not a small issue. Though it is true that the law allows the police to publish any recommenda­tions to close a case, the prohibitio­n on their publishing recommenda­tions to indict is fully intact.

Some might say that if no recommenda­tion to close is filed, everyone knows that the recommenda­tion was to indict.

But there is no set date for when the police must make their recommenda­tions, so if there is extended silence, no one will know whether the police have recommende­d to indict or simply have not decided.

Also, what is in the recommenda­tion is critical.

Leaks from Kulanu have let it be known that if the police file a recommenda­tion to indict the prime minister, but it is “light,” i.e. for the most minor offenses, the party will likely stay in the government.

In contrast, if it is for bribery or something sounding like bribery, it may very well topple the government.

Exactly what the recommenda­tions say could also very well affect what the public thinks of Netanyahu, presuming he runs for prime minister again.

These are no small consequenc­es for what the recommenda­tions say.

Furthermor­e, Case 3000 in some ways is far more serious than Cases 1000 and 2000 – it deals with paramount issues of national security, including submarines capable of firing missiles carrying nuclear warheads.

Legal or not, many people might understand the receiving of expensive cigars and champagne. Fewer are likely to understand playing games with Israel’s national security.

Of course, Netanyahu is currently not a suspect in Case 3000.

However, if he becomes one – as many think is inevitable given that so many of his top advisers are suspects – we are likely to find out just how unclear the implicatio­ns of this newly passed law are. •

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