The Jerusalem Post

China and the US as competing corporates

- • By ROTEM OREG

The “Strategic Competitio­n” between the US and China is, among other aspects, an economic competitio­n. Hence, using concepts and methods from economy, we can depict the Strategic Competitio­n as a struggle between corporatio­ns – a struggle where in order to win, the US must take back the lead in the internatio­nal arena.

Think of a market, consisted of about 200 individual­s. Most of them are consumers, but some of them, around 20, are producers, providing goods and services for the consumers in exchange for money. While most of the producers are local, with limited access to consumers beyond their immediate reach, two of them are giant corporatio­ns, reaching all possible consumers and struggling for market dominance.

Throughout time, the consumers understood that this is a troubling situation, that the producers have an unfair advantage over them, and this led to a structural change: They created institutio­ns and establishe­d norms that determine what individual­s can and can’t do to one another. Some of the producers joined the effort and affected the regulation­s in order to maintain their advantage.

Now change the economic language to geopolitic­al language: Not consumers, but countries; not producers, but powers; providing not goods and services in exchange for money but assistance, protection and global leadership in exchange for political support and access to markets. And of course, not corporatio­ns, but two superpower­s, one existing and one emerging, competing for global hegemony.

In the seven decades since World War II, the US has been the leading country in creating a liberal, capitalist­ic world order based on global institutio­ns, treaties and norms. That world order encouraged internatio­nal cooperatio­n, reduced military tensions and expanded capitalism, thus ensuring that the US keeps its economic advantage. The current administra­tion of US President Donald Trump is actively working against that world order: It sees institutio­ns like the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO) and treaties like the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p (TPP) as burdening regulators, working for small or developing countries at the expense of the US. That perspectiv­e leads to policy moves – from withdrawin­g from treaties to imposing tariffs to questionin­g the very need of those institutio­ns, hence underminin­g them globally.

CHINA, ON THE other hand, is using the shatters created by the US to take the latter’s place as the leading global economy, which can be best demonstrat­ed by China’s economic activity, following the corporate play book for taking over a market. First, China reads the change in demand and invests in the relevant sectors to ensure its dominance as a supplier in those sectors in the future (renewable energy being the best example).

Second, every industry has a specific kind of capital that those who own it enjoy improved manufactur­ing capabiliti­es and enormous revenues. In a globalized world, a world that is counting on the free and fast flow of goods and informatio­n, this capital consists of physical and communicat­ion infrastruc­ture. The Chinese government invests tremendous amounts of money to ensure its grip on those, with the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative and the aggressive expansion of the tech-giant Huawei (including in strategic US allies, like South Korea and Germany) being the notable examples, eroding US dominance in transporta­tion and telecommun­ication.

Third, like every expansioni­st corporatio­n, China doesn’t limit its activities to the economic realm, and simultaneo­usly invests in the regulators. China is pursuing a structural change in global institutio­ns so they will “appropriat­ely represent” China – representa­tion China believes it deserves due to its economic capabiliti­es. Besides, Beijing is investing money and manpower in order to be represente­d in those institutio­ns, while also creating “competing” financial institutio­ns, like the Asian Infrastruc­ture Investment Bank (AIIB), with “Chinese characteri­stics” (and Chinese control).

Eventually, and from a US-perspectiv­e most alarmingly, is China’s spreading reach to new countries, including those within with the US orbit. From slightly growing political involvemen­t in regional conflicts to taking the lead on climate change, China is positionin­g itself as an alternativ­e beacon to the US, providing an alternativ­e model of government to the liberal world order.

The US government may have its reasons to believe that global institutio­ns and treaties aren’t always working for its benefit, and that some of them are in crucial need for change. But a continuati­on of this non-engaging policy creates a vacuum, which China will take advantage of so it can continue its global spread and build the internatio­nal architectu­re to its liking – probably at the expense of liberal and democratic values. A massive change of the institutio­ns and norms of the global economy, for the benefit of China and without American countermea­sures to balance it, will replace the free market in which powers are competing for influence and resources with a different model – a model that works pretty well for the corporatio­ns and not so well for everyone else: a monopoly.

The writer is a student in the Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (PPE) program at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is also a reservist in the IDF Intelligen­ce Corps and the author of the 2016 Hebrew novel Lion Heart.

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(Reuters)

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