The Jerusalem Post

Wide ramificati­ons

Rifts in the Middle East have gone global

- • By HILLEL FRISCH

The Middle East is not the Islamic world. Its overwhelmi­ngly Muslim population accounts for only one third of the world’s Muslim population. The Muslim population­s of India (200 million), Pakistan (over 200 million), Indonesia (more than 200 million), and Bangladesh (more than 100 million) dwarf the Muslim population­s of Egypt (100 million), Turkey (90 million), and Iran (80 million), the most populous countries of the Middle East.

Where the Muslim Middle East dwarfs the rest of the Muslim world is in the political headlines it generates in Western media sites.

Western media sites render the Saudi Arabia-Iranian rift known to all. The battlegrou­nds where this rift is played out in Yemen, Lebanon and until recently in Syria has been widely reported.

So have the Western media followed in extensive detail the finer-tuned struggle between Saudi Arabia and its allies, the UAE and Egypt against Qatar, Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, either directly in the attempted siege of Qatar, or in the proxy battlegrou­nds of Libya where Turkey and Qatar support the government in Tripoli and the former support the government in Tobruk in the East? The latter still hope that their general, Khalifa Haftar, will destroy the government in Tripoli, unite Libya and rid the country of Turkish influence.

Similarly, the interested layman has probably a good sense how foreign powers feed into these regional conflicts: that the United States supports Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states against Iranian hegemony in Yemen; that Russia is trying to contain the United States and Turkey in Syria and even hedging against Iran; and how Russia has intervened against Turkey in Libya.

Lesser known is how these tensions are creating rifts among Islamic states and population­s outside the Middle East.

The conference in the Malaysian capital Kuala Lumpur, sponsored by a state known for its support of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, is a reflection of how these conflicts have fed into the relationsh­ip between states with large Islamic population­s outside the Middle East.

Noticeable to all was the total absence of Saudi Arabian scholars at the event, against the rich representa­tion of scholars from Turkey, Iran and Qatar. Even more glaring was the failure of the Pakistani and Indonesian scholars to come to the Malaysian capital as a result of pressure Saudi Arabia brought to bear on Pakistan as a major underwrite­r of this massive but poor country’s debts, and on Indonesia, where Saudi Arabian petrodolla­rs are heavily invested.

Grave matters of dispute between these countries explain the record of attendance. Saudi Arabia perceives the conference as an attempt to weaken the Council of Islamic Cooperatio­n, which consists of the 57 states in the world where Muslims form the majority of the country’s population. Saudi Arabia has traditiona­lly played a dominant role in this organizati­on, as lackluster and relatively unimportan­t as it has been since its establishm­ent in 1969.

INDEED, THE central theme of the conference – the attack on Muslim minorities – was designed to embarrass Saudi Arabia, which especially since 9/11 has maintained a foreign policy that privileges good relationsh­ips between states based on pragmatic grounds, independen­t of the religious character of the state in question. The long-standing relationsh­ip between theocratic and monarchic Saudi Arabia and the United States, a republic wedded to the idea of the separation between church and state, was always a reflection of the conservati­ve nature of the Saudi monarchy.

For Saudi Arabia, this means above all maintainin­g good relations with the two power houses of Asia – India and China – both of which are large consumers of Saudi oil.

Yet these were the two leading countries which were targeted (between the lines) for discrimina­ting against Muslim minorities. India, under a Hindu nationalis­t government, has been under criticism for abrogating Kashmir’s autonomous status in the Indian federation, and more recently for changing an immigratio­n law, which though worded in neutral terms, has the effect, Muslims claim, of restrictin­g immigratio­n from Muslim Bangladesh into India.

Demonstrat­ions have erupted over both issues. China is also castigated in the Muslim world for oppressing the Uyghur Sunni minority in northweste­rn China.

As far as Saudi Arabia is concerned, the conference is one more venue in which three countries fiercely intent on underminin­g neighbor states come together: Iran, which principall­y supported the conference because Saudi Arabia opposed it; Turkey, which in Saudi eyes has attempted to undermine Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s rule in Egypt; and Qatar, which has long supported the Muslim Brotherhoo­d and unleashed its media site Al Jazeera against Saudi Arabia and its allies in the service of the Muslim Brotherhoo­d and Iran.

Though Israel is not directly involved, the ramificati­ons of this wider rift in the Muslim world affect Israel as well.

Obviously, Israel sides with Saudi Arabia, India and China rather than with Iran, Turkey, Qatar and Malaysia, all of which support Hamas; Erdogan’s Turkey, which until recently was the organizati­onal center of terrorist planning; Iran, which has trained and armed Hamas terrorists; and Malaysia, which has harbored Hamas terrorists and Qatar, whose Al Jazeera in Arabic is clearly a mouthpiece of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhoo­d and stridently anti-Israeli.

The inter-Islamic standoff also has implicatio­ns for Israel’s relationsh­ip with the United States and Russia by highlighti­ng to both the increased danger of Iran and Turkey, whose negative role is not limited to the Middle East but through the Muslim connection, to other important areas around the globe, most noticeably a risen Asia. The common danger to both the United States and China helps mitigate a tense relationsh­ip between Israel’s staunch ally and China, a major market. Israeli diplomats would do well to emphasize these aspects to Israel’s advantage.

The writer is a professor in the Department­s of Political Studies and Middle Eastern Studies at Bar-Ilan University.

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 ?? (Reuters) ?? FLAGS OF Arab states are seen along the Nile River ahead of a meeting of foreign ministers in Cairo.
(Reuters) FLAGS OF Arab states are seen along the Nile River ahead of a meeting of foreign ministers in Cairo.

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