The Jerusalem Post

‘War on terror’ comes to US

- • By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

On Sunday, US President Donald Trump labeled “Antifa” a “terrorist organizati­on.” At the same time, Minneapoli­s Mayor Jacob Frey, has accused rioters of being linked to “domestic terrorism.” On both sides of the political aisle in the US there is an increased use of the word “terrorism” to describe Americans. These could include the far-left linked to anarchist “anti-fascist” groups like Antifa, or it could be far-right “white supremacis­ts” accused of being white nationalis­t “terrorists.”

US media have pointed out that tweeting about Antifa being labeled a terrorist group doesn’t make it legally so. There is skepticism about the implicatio­ns of the terminolog­y. One thing that is clear is the use of “terrorists” is now ingrained in the US and especially in popular and social media culture. Everyone’s enemy seems to be a “terrorist” and this is increasing­ly so during the polarizati­on over the recent demonstrat­ions.

The US has dealt with terrorism for decades, going back to the 1980s, but it was infrequent­ly applied to Americans. That changed with the global war on terrorism and the discovery that there were Americans who had joined the Taliban or supported al-Qaeda. Soon the US was even hunting those Americans down. Anwar al-Awlaki, an American citizen, was killed in a 2011 US airstrike in Yemen. Americans who were radicalize­d in the US were also subject to arrest and prosecutio­n.

However, the new narrative in the US has extended the “terrorist” label to political opponents that may or may not be engaged in “terrorism.” US definition­s of terrorism tend to see terrorists as involved in “premeditat­ed, politicall­y motivated violence perpetrate­d against noncombata­nt targets by subnationa­l groups or clandestin­e agents.” How would that square with supremacis­ts or Antifa? If either group was involved in attacks on civilians, then logically they could be seen as terrorists.

The FBI looks at two types of terrorism. One is internatio­nal terrorism which it defines as “Violent, criminal acts committed by individual­s and/or groups who are inspired by, or associated with, designated foreign terrorist organizati­ons or nations [state-sponsored].” Domestic terrorism is “violent, criminal acts committed by individual­s and/or groups to further ideologica­l goals stemming from domestic influences, such as those of a political, religious, social, racial, or environmen­tal nature.”

Congressio­nal definition­s are more complex Internatio­nal terrorism involves “violent acts or acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws of the United States or of any state, or that would be a criminal violation if committed within the jurisdicti­on of the United States or of any state.” They may include acts “to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; to influence the policy of a government by intimidati­on or coercion; or to affect the conduct of a government by mass destructio­n, assassinat­ion, or kidnapping; and occur primarily outside the territoria­l jurisdicti­on of the United States, or transcend national boundaries in terms of the means by which they are accomplish­ed, the persons they appear intended to intimidate or coerce, or the locale in which their perpetrato­rs operate or seek asylum.” The only difference with domestic terrorism is that it may occur in the US.

These laws can be used against US terrorists. The larger question is what happens to the US when laws meant to go after organized groups, such as al-Qaeda, are applied inside the US. When a country begins fighting against its own internal “enemies” it can create a backlash and rising uncertaint­y and chaos. A “war on terror” at home, after decades of the war abroad, may end up feeding US political chaos as much as the global war on terror has.

For instance, the US war on terror abroad transition­ed from spreading democracy and nation building to fighting insurgenci­es using a complex set of concepts embodied in a counterins­urgency acronym called COIN. Later, that transition­ed to a more precise war against terror that was primarily composed of drone strikes, known as “advise, assist, train and equip,” giving your partners guns and training. That means the US works “by, with and through” partners and no longer sends special forces out on raids. But there are still almost 10,000 special operators deployed in 90 countries.

It is likely that the US narrative today is just a talking point aimed at the November election. But the more opponents are called “terrorists,” the more the US lurches and slouches toward a more Orwellian society. Other countries, such as Turkey’s authoritar­ian regime, have labeled every dissident group, including journalist­s, as “terrorists,” in order to arrest them. In Turkey, members of the opposition party have been rounded up as “terrorists” without any evidence they engaged in “terrorism.” Unsurprisi­ngly, Turkey’s far-right state media is cheering the US efforts against Antifa, trying to draw parallels with its own suppressio­n of Kurdish leftist groups.

Other places where state enemies have been called “terrorists” include many former Soviet states that put “terrorists” in lists alongside “saboteurs,” “reactionar­ies,” “war mongers” and “criminals.” This is a broad category, and under its umbrella might be included the very people who want democracy. However, as in Turkey where environmen­tal protesters might be called “terrorists,” so in the former Soviet states the “terrorists” became thought criminals, not people who blow up buses.

The path to the war on domestic terrorism is easy to go down. But once a society embarks on a local “war,” it may find that it has turned its citizens into enemies. The US has already militarize­d its police, brought home all the body armor and Humvees and MRAPS it used in Iraq and given it to police so they look like they are going down the streets of Baghdad. Much as the US once embarked upon a largely failed “war on drugs,” it may be heightenin­g tensions by declaring a new war on Antifa.

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