The Jerusalem Post

Will annexation embolden Iran?

- • By ERIC R. MANDEL

Does Israel’s extension of sovereignt­y (annexation) into the West Bank, in accord with the Trump peace plan, play into an Iranian strategy that has been looking for an opportune time to respond to Israel’s continuing attacks on its interests in Syria, and against its missile shipments transiting through Iraq?

Iran’s strategy in Syria in regard to Israel has not changed, biding its time, waiting for a better landscape when Israel will be internatio­nally isolated, to finally respond to the hundreds of Israeli missile and air attacks against its assets and allies in Syria. It has 150,000 missiles under its control in Lebanon, targeting every Israeli city and Israel’s nuclear facility in Dimona.

With the extension of Israeli sovereignt­y in the West Bank and the inevitable internatio­nal condemnati­on, Iran’s patience may have been rewarded. It can hope for a new American administra­tion that may not only relieve sanctions on Iran and rejoin the JCPOA, but may actually sanction Israel because of its annexation of the disputed territory in the West Bank.

Could the ramificati­ons of annexation reverberat­e from an exclusivel­y Israeli-Palestinia­n issue, into one with regional implicatio­ns that could lead to a large-scale war?

Just as some in Israel believe now is the time to act and extend sovereignt­y, as the opportunit­y will not being there under a Biden administra­tion, Iran may also calculate that if Biden becomes president and re-enters the JCPOA, there would then be the opportunit­y to take military action against Israel, believing Biden will not want to endanger a nuclear deal by siding with Israel.

Iran remembers that after the JCPOA went into effect, it paid no consequenc­es for its continued support of terrorism, complicity in the Syrian genocide, increased human rights abuses against its own citizens, and accelerate­d developmen­t of long-range missiles. This was despite the Obama administra­tion’s promises to the contrary. The administra­tion chose instead to ignore these Iranian transgress­ions in the name of preserving the deal.

So would a Biden administra­tion give Israel a black eye over annexation? Remember that after the surprise Egyptian and Syrian attack on Israel during the 1973 Yom Kippur War, an audio recording of then-secretary of state Henry Kissinger said, “[The] best result would be if Israel came out a little ahead but got bloodied in the process.”

Are there any parallels to today? Kissinger’s Machiavell­ian strategy hoped to cower Israel by refusing to resupply it for a week under dire straits, hoping to make Israel less intransige­nt on territoria­l concession­s in the future. If Israel has annexed land that Biden views as Palestinia­n, what kind of support can Israel expect if Iran unleashes Hezbollah against Israel?

The administra­tion’s ear will be tuned to J Street, an organizati­on highly critical of Israeli policy and that believes for Israel’s own good it needs to be taught a lesson.

Israel hoped its repeated air strikes and the American sanctions that have left the Iranian economy in shambles would force Iran to withdraw from Syria, unable to afford to continue to invest in Syria. Unfortunat­ely, revolution­ary Islamist regimes don’t play by Western rules.

NOT ONLY is Iran still in Syria, but Russian promises that the Revolution­ary Guards, Hezbollah, and Shi’ite militias would not move into southern and eastern Syria to threaten Israel have been ignored, increasing the likelihood of more Israeli attacks and a potential war.

As Amos Yadlin, the head of INSS and former head of Israeli Military Intelligen­ce, said, “The extensive attacks in Syria... show that the assessment that the Iranians are leaving Syria is a wish .... We must be prepared for the entire scope of possible responses from the Shi’ite axis, from missiles to cyber terrorism.”

Iran’s long-term strategy to encircle Israel is halfway home with effectivel­y control of

Syria and Lebanon today. The next significan­t domino to fall is the vulnerable Jordanian monarchy, whose collapse would result in a Syrian-style civil war between Iranian Shi’ite proxies and Sunni Islamists who will fight tooth and nail, destabiliz­ing the region.

If Iran sees a limited window of opportunit­y to attack Israel while influentia­l factions of America are furious with Israel over annexation, will it act on that?

The convention­al wisdom is that Iran will wait until after the US presidenti­al election to see if the unpredicta­ble Trump wins, or if a more compliant Biden prevails. From an Iranian perspectiv­e, Israeli annexation and the internatio­nal fallout against Israel will play into their hands, especially if Democrats control the Senate, House and executive branch, and work in concert with the United Nations.

In the internatio­nal community, Belgium has telegraphe­d Western European wishes, asking for sanctions on Israel and recognitio­n of Palestinia­n statehood even before Israel acts to extend sovereignt­y.

Behind the scenes Israel’s strongest allies against Iran will remain the conservati­ve Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt – which all know that Iran is its primary threat but can’t say so publicly. They will do whatever they can to help Israel defeat Iran, annexation or not.

Their current not-so-secret intelligen­ce and security cooperatio­n with Israel could actually increase even after annexation, but unfortunat­ely their anti-Israel public rhetoric will also increase with any Israeli annexation, in order to placate their citizenry, who have been fed a lifelong diet of blaming Israel for all their problems.

A Biden administra­tion may not like Israel’s annexation. However, if it wants to keep a lid on a major war erupting between Israel and Iran, it will need to be out ahead of the issue. That means publicly warning Iran that if it initiates a war with Israel, likely perpetrate­d by its proxies in Lebanon and Gaza, it will not only be held responsibl­e, but the United States will be fully supportive of Israeli actions. That is the best chance to avoid war.

This will be a tough sell in 2021 because of the anger a Biden administra­tion will have for Israel’s extension of sovereignt­y into the West Bank. The greater picture of keeping a lid on an explosive Middle East, though, should lead Biden, if elected, to bite his lower lip and stand with Israel against Iran when the inevitable northern war from Syria and Lebanon under the direction of the Iranian Revolution­ary Guard’s direction occurs.

The writer is the director of MEPIN (Middle East Political Informatio­n Network). He regularly briefs members of Congress and their foreign policy aides, as well White House advisers. He is the senior security editor for the Jerusalem Report/Jerusalem Post, and writes for The Hill, JNS, JTA, RealClearW­orld, and Defense News.

 ?? (Tomer Neuberg/Flash90) ?? INSS DIRECTOR-GENERAL and former Military Intelligen­ce head Amos Yadlin: ‘The assessment that the Iranians are leaving Syria is a wish.’
(Tomer Neuberg/Flash90) INSS DIRECTOR-GENERAL and former Military Intelligen­ce head Amos Yadlin: ‘The assessment that the Iranians are leaving Syria is a wish.’

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