The Jerusalem Post

When the US supported Zionist territoria­l claims

- • By YISRAEL MEDAD The writer is a researcher, analyst, and opinion commentato­r on political, cultural, and media issues.

Adiplomati­c game of pingpong is upon us. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has reversed his predecesso­r Mike Pompeo’s 2019 declaratio­n regarding the legality of Jewish residency communitie­s in the region of Judea and Samaria.

No longer is it United States policy that “the establishm­ent of Israeli civilian settlement­s in the West Bank is not per se inconsiste­nt with internatio­nal law.”

On February 23, Blinken announced that “it’s been longstandi­ng US policy under Republican and Democratic administra­tions alike that new settlement­s are counterpro­ductive to reaching an enduring peace. They’re also inconsiste­nt with internatio­nal law.”

Not only did he reach the wrong conclusion, but he also presented his country’s earlier diplomatic positions incorrectl­y.

Of course, one could ask Blinken whether “old” settlement­s are legal or whether it is only “any expansion” of Jewish communitie­s that would be illegal. That, however, might trip him up. What could also stump him up is former secretary of state Madeleine Albright’s television interview with Matt Lauer on NBC’s Today show on October 1, 1997. When pressed on the legal aspect of building beyond the Green Line, she admitted, “It’s legal.”

Also, State Department spokesman James Rubin declared on September 17, 1997, that while moving

Jews into the Ras al-Amud housing project “is not helpful...we don’t think this is a question of law.”

Fifteen years earlier, in February 1981, president Ronald Reagan stated that the settlement­s were “not illegal,” despite the infamous 1978 Hansell Memorandum that president Jimmy Carter demanded be formulated.

TO TRULY COMPREHEND the State Department’s latest sleight of hand, I would suggest that there is at least one chapter of diplomatic history involving the State Department, the Jewish Agency, and the then-Transjorda­n entity that could enlighten us on the subject.

The text of the Balfour Declaratio­n of 1917 had been pre-approved by US president Woodrow Wilson, who affirmed “that Palestine should become a Jewish state.” The United States House of Representa­tives and the Senate adopted resolution­s supporting the mandate in 1922. The December 3, 1924, convention signed between Great Britain and the United States also confirmed America’s acknowledg­ment of the Mandate, which declared the Jewish people’s national home would be establishe­d in Palestine.

The borders of that Jewish national home were from the Mediterran­ean Sea to at least the Jordan River, as fixed by Article 25 of the Mandate. That clause permitted England to “withhold” or “postpone” certain provisions of the Mandate being applied to the territory east of the Jordan River, originally to be included

in the Mandate area. Transjorda­n continued to be administer­ed as part of the Palestine Mandate nonetheles­s.

The mandate’s Article 6 guaranteed that Jews possessed the right to “close settlement on the land,” a right to be “facilitate­d and encouraged.” That leaves us with the task of identifyin­g that “land.”

At the time, the Arabs viewed themselves not as “Palestinia­ns,” but as “Southern Syrians,” and demanded, on several representa­tive

occasions, “that there should be no separation of the southern part of Lebanon [i.e., the Palestine Mandate territory] from the Syrian country.” Even Yasser Arafat declared over Voice of Palestine on November 18, 1978, that “Palestine is southern Syria, and Syria is northern Palestine.”

ON MAY 25, 1946, Transjorda­n became the “Hashemite Kingdom of Transjorda­n.” Subsequent­ly, King Abdullah applied for membership in the newly formed United Nations. The Soviet Union vetoed the request as his country was not “fully independen­t” of British control while British troops remained stationed there.

As for the United States, the documentat­ion indicates that the State Department declined to approve Jordan’s membership based on a legal problem. It was only after Israel was establishe­d that Jordan was accepted.

Moreover, America only recognized it as a state in 1949. The State Department’s reasoning was that the Anglo-American Palestine Mandate Convention, mentioned above, permitted the US to delay any unilateral British action to terminate the mandate unless Jews obtained their state as well.

The State Department accepted the Jewish Agency’s claim that Transjorda­n had been part of the original Palestine Mandate. Since the mandate’s unique purpose was solely to reconstitu­te the historic Jewish national home, until that was accomplish­ed, no territory could be fully separated from the mandate.

The Palestine Mandate’s territoria­l conceptual­ization, linking both statehood and land, was that Jordan could not exist without first resolving the matter of a Jewish national home. The two were intertwine­d.

Internal State Department deliberati­ons arrived at the conclusion that the original status of Transjorda­n was territory within the Mandate of Palestine area. As such, the territory east of the Jordan River had the potential to become part of the historic Jewish homeland. A Jewish entity had to be resolved before Jordan could come into being.

Secretary of State James F. Byrnes spoke out against premature recognitio­n of Transjorda­n and insisted that Jordan’s membership applicatio­n should not be considered until the question of Palestine as a whole was addressed.

Members of Congress also became involved, introducin­g resolution­s demanding the postponeme­nt of any internatio­nal determinat­ion of the status of Transjorda­n until the future status of Palestine as a whole was determined.

In essence, Jordan’s independen­ce in 1946 was challenged based on the League of Nations 1922 decision that a separate geopolitic­al entity other than the Jewish national home had not been formed east of the Jordan River. “Jewish Palestine” stretched from the Mediterran­ean Sea to the Jordan River. In fact, during the General Assembly deliberati­ons on Palestine, there were suggestion­s to incorporat­e part of Transjorda­n’s territory into the proposed Jewish state.

To return to 2024, not only has Blinken erred in reversing Pompeo’s proclamati­on, but there can be no doubt that Judea and Samaria, lying west of the Jordan River, are territorie­s legally and legitimate­ly proper for Jewish residence and constructi­on.

 ?? (Yara Nardi/Reuters) ?? IN NOVEMBER 2019, then-US secretary of state Mike Pompeo issues the Trump administra­tion’s declaratio­n regarding the legality of Jewish communitie­s in Judea and Samaria.
(Yara Nardi/Reuters) IN NOVEMBER 2019, then-US secretary of state Mike Pompeo issues the Trump administra­tion’s declaratio­n regarding the legality of Jewish communitie­s in Judea and Samaria.

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