Daily Observer (Jamaica)

Change and continuity in American foreign policy

- Except for the views expressed in the column above, the articles published on this page do not necessaril­y represent the views of the Jamaica Observer.

The world watched incredulou­sly as former US President Donald Trump resiled from America playing its traditiona­l leadership role in internatio­nal affairs.

Traditiona­l allies, such as those in Asia, for example Japan and Korea, in Western Europe, and even Canada were uncertain as to why the Trump Administra­tion chose to turn a blind eye to the intrigue of Russia and North Korea.

The Caribbean Community (Caricom) was divided when only Jamaica, The Bahamas, Haiti, St Lucia, and Belize were invited to meet the president, as the others differed with the US over Venezuela, Cuba and China.

Many people expected and/or hoped for a different approach to foreign policy from the incoming President Joe Biden and his woman vice-president with Jamaican connection­s. But the reality is that there is substantia­l continuity between the foreign policy of one Administra­tion to the next.

US foreign policy, like most others, is driven by domestic politics — and not as much by considerat­ions of internatio­nal affairs. Even as Democrats worry about the midterm Congressio­nal elections and the prospect of a Trump return, the combative approach to relations with China continues because the vast majority of Americans support this approach.

So too the continuity of the ‘do not come’ immigratio­n across the Mexican border reflects entrenched American attitudes of being overwhelme­d by illegal migrants.

An approach which blends coexistenc­e with competitio­n could lift internatio­nal trade and stimulate the recovery of the global economy, which is vital at this time.

The withdrawal from Afghanista­n after 20 years was a commitment made by Messrs Barack Obama, Trump and Biden.

The reorientat­ion of policy towards Russia was an inevitable outcome of a mounting resurrecti­on of anti-communism attitudes fuelled by Russian interferen­ce.

In regard to the Caribbean, the Biden Administra­tion is yet to ease sanctions on Cuba — much of which could be done by administra­tive measures without Congressio­nal approval. Cuba poses no real threat to US national security but the vote in Florida could be crucial in forthcomin­g elections.

Similarly, there has not been a noticeable change in policy towards Venezuela — a festering humanitari­an disaster pouring migrants in neighbouri­ng countries including Trinidad and Tobago.

Meanwhile, American companies miss out on trade, tourism, and investment opportunit­ies in Cuba and Venezuela. In the opposite direction, the US seems unsure about how to help stabilise Haiti, a potential source of large numbers of migrants.

Caricom continues to feel overlooked but still hopes that the US will donate vaccines and approve sale and delivery of Us-made vaccines. The region, the so-called Fourth Border of the US, urgently needs a package of financial aid and rescheduli­ng of debt.

The ultimate benefit for the national interest of the US, and combating violent crime and its vulnerabil­ity to transnatio­nal narcotics driven crime, is the economic stability and economic growth of the Caribbean.

It is to be hoped that an experience­d and adroit politician as President Biden will find a way to modify American foreign policy, while contending with the inevitable constraint­s of domestic politics.

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