Jamaica Gleaner

Third-World USA

- Dr Orville Taylor is senior lecturer in sociology at the UWI, a radio talk-show host, and author of ‘Broken Promises, Hearts and Pockets’. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com and tayloronbl­ackline@hotmail.com. Orville Taylor

SO THIS is the little banana republic in the Third World, where our head of government can whimsicall­y fire the head of our national police, especially when there are allegation­s that his agents are investigat­ing matters that may incriminat­e him or that may have compromise­d national security. This is the Third World country where Supreme Court judges are selected based on the assurances that the political leader can predict their political leanings. On this little piece of rock between two oceans, its lower court judges are directly elected like regular politician­s in parochial elections in more than half of its jurisdicti­ons. And its district police officers are also creatures of politics.

By now you must know that I am speaking about the fledgling democracy up north, which is getting a reality check about how undemocrat­ic and pliable its laws and entire system of governance are. Don’t get me wrong. It is an amazing and wonderful nation. However, the ascendancy of Donald Trump to the presidency must be a reality check and great disillusio­nment about how much farther the land of the free has to go in order to achieve the ideals it constantly espouses.

Today is the beginning of Workers’ Week in this country, and we have two labour parties in our legislatur­e. Surprising as it might sound, Jamaica has an entrenched system of labour management relations and

mechanisms for the protection from abuse of power regarding the critical agents of our justice system.

Whatever we might think, this country has relative independen­ce in the appointmen­t of our judges and our senior police personnel. Our prosecutor­s, headed by the director of public prosecutio­ns (DPP), report to no one except Parliament. Similarly, Jamaica has an Independen­t Commission of Investigat­ions (INDECOM), whose commission­er takes no instructio­n from the prime minister or governor general.

Indeed, only the head of INDECOM himself or the DPP can determine when an investigat­ion or prosecutio­n must stop. Nothing in our statutes or common-law practices empowers any elected official, or even the chief justice, to interfere in any matter under investigat­ion or being pursued in the judicial system.

It is important to note that our principal characters in our judicial and law-enforcemen­t system cannot be dismissed in a willy-nilly fashion. We have in place a Labour Relations and Industrial Disputes Act (LRIDA), passed in 1975, which provides for conciliati­on and arbitratio­n in dismissal cases. Our Industrial Disputes Tribunal (IDT), a quasi-judicial institutio­n, has the power to reinstate a dismissed worker if it is found that he has been unjustifia­bly dismissed. True, the statute in Section 10 makes it clear that the act does not make

the IDT accessible to public servants, except those employed to publicly owned corporatio­ns and statutory bodies.

However, every employee of central and local government, including the police, has the right to appeal to the appropriat­e services commission. This body of men and women has ultimate oversight regarding the employment and, importantl­y, dismissal of public officers, and has been known to appoint and procure the dismissal of public servants against the wishes of the political directorat­e.

Yet, it must be noted that as Florida Representa­tive Walter Bryan ‘Mike’ Hill went to great pains to explain last October in a pre-election forum here at the University of the West Indies, in which I participat­ed, America is a ‘republic’, not a ‘democracy’. It means that it establishe­d laws and rules that when followed, lead to particular patterns of governance. It has less to do with the overall will of the people. Rather, it has to do with what the ruling classes have been empowered to do. It is an important distinctio­n.

Thus, for all the furore regarding the non-disclosure of his tax returns or non-payment of taxes, or his myriad declaratio­ns of bankruptcy, which he used to his advantage, Donald Trump broke no laws. Similarly, when he dismissed director of the Federal Bureau of Investigat­ion (FBI), James Comey, he did nothing illegal. Remember, Hill did state that the USA is not a democracy. Under American law, Comey, the head of the American police corps, served at the pleasure of the president. Therefore, he had no security of tenure and could be fired without cause at any time by the president.

NO STATUTORY CONDITIONS

As a Congressio­nal Research Service study of the director’s office revealed in 2014, “There are no statutory conditions on the president’s authority to remove the FBI director.” And for that matter, it does not make a difference if the FBI was investigat­ing any allegation of misconduct in law against the president or anyone connected to him. In fact, given that the FBI director is an agent of the presidency, there is opinion that the president has the power in law to direct that an investigat­ion commence or cease. Of course, it appears that Trump wanted a guarantee from Comey that he would end the investigat­ions that surrounded a possible Russian connection and his campaign. This guarantee he did not get.

Still, if you ask me, I think Comey should have been dismissed for revealing that there was a red-herring investigat­ion into Hillary Clinton’s email fiasco in high election season. His admission of it being a minor discomfort is the least. It is likely that he swayed the election, and, ultimately, gave to Trump the fillip he needed despite scoring two million fewer electors in the popular vote. Indeed, it is a case of no good deed going unpunished and a sort of poetic justice.

Neverthele­ss, inasmuch as I believe that there is just cause, our system, based on the Internatio­nal Labour Organisati­on’s fundamenta­l human-rights convention­s, has implied in all dismissal matters the rules of natural justice. America has only signed on to two of the eight, while we have ratified all, for a total of 30. In contrast, the US has ratified only 12.

Anyway, on a historical note, since we are on the subject of removal from office because of misconduct, Democrat President Andrew Johnson, between 1865 and 1869, tried to reverse all the gains Republican Abraham Lincoln gave to black Americans. Though unsuccessf­ul, his attempted impeachmen­t in 1867 brought a shift in the presidency to Republican Ulysses Grant two years later. Interestin­gly, Democrat Bill Clinton was impeached in 1998 for perjury and obstructio­n of justice. He was acquitted, but Republican George W. Bush won three years later.

 ?? AP ?? In this Monday, February 20, 2017, photo, traditiona­l Russian nesting dolls depicting US President Donald Trump (second left) and Russian President Vladimir Putin are displayed for sale at a souvenir street shop in St Petersburg, Russia.
AP In this Monday, February 20, 2017, photo, traditiona­l Russian nesting dolls depicting US President Donald Trump (second left) and Russian President Vladimir Putin are displayed for sale at a souvenir street shop in St Petersburg, Russia.
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