Jamaica Gleaner

Corruption: a clear and present danger

- Professor Trevor Munroe is executive director of National Integrity Action. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com.

IN APRIL 2014, the Jamaican Government identified ‘Corruption of elected and public officials ... organised crime, including money laundering” as one of the “high-probabilit­y, high-impact, Tier 1 clear and present dangers’ to national security. (Ministry Paper No. 63 A New Approach: National Security Policy for Jamaica).

In September 2015, the UNO concluded that for countries to attain “sustainabl­e developmen­t”, government­s had to “combat bribery and corruption in all its forms” (Target 16 SDGs). In 2015 as well, at the 16th Internatio­nal AntiCorrup­tion Conference in Malaysia, 1,200 delegates, including myself, from 130 countries, concluded in the conference declaratio­n that “today around the world ... corruption manifests itself at the highest levels of political power and business”.

In the last 10 years, persons “at the highest level of political power in business” had been investigat­ed, prosecuted, convicted and sent to prison, often by agencies combining investigat­ive and prosecutor­ial powers, in the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, Brazil, among others. Against this background, I present two Jamaican case studies drawn from the last 10 years.

DAVID SMITH – OLINT CASE

January 2006 – FSC started its investigat­ion of OLINT.

March 2006 – FSC investigat­ion was completed.

FSC investigat­ion concluded that Olint and Lewfam were operating in contravent­ion of the Securities Act. Further, what they were offering, the way they were offering it, was consistent with the characteri­stic of a Ponzi scheme.

On March 22, 2006, the FSC issued cease-and-desist orders against Olint, Lewfam, Then premier of the Turks and Caicos Islands, Michael Missick (left), and Olint’s David Smith at the 2008 Air Jamaica Jazz & Blues Festival. Smith was convicted of money laundering and fraud and his business assets frozen. Misick is facing corruption allegation­s.

Smith, Neil Lewis and their agents, etc.

On the same day, FSC forwarded the investigat­ion reports to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutio­ns (ODPP) (then headed by Kent Pantry) outlining its findings re contravent­ion of securities law.

Olint and Lewfam challenged the FSC’s conclusion in court. First round in the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court found in favour of the FSC.

Olint and LewFam appealed to the Court of Appeal. Lewfam subsequent­ly withdrew its appeal, but Olint continued. Arguments were heard and concluded between February and May 2008.

While the FSC was awaiting a decision from the Court of Appeal, the Turks and Caicos Islands, as well as the US, using informatio­n gathered from the FSC’s investigat­ion and from

informatio­n sharing (legally permitted under the FSC Act), convicted Smith, who had pleaded guilty to 23 counts of fraud and money laundering. He was sentenced in both jurisdicti­ons – in Turks & Caicos to six and a half years; in US Federal Court, to 30 years. Still nothing from the local courts or the director of public prosecutio­ns (DPP).

Also, on multiple occasions, the FSC provided copies of the previous March 2006 submission to the DPP – on the basis that they could not locate the original submission

In December 2010, the Court of Appeal decision (from the oral arguments before that court in 2008) was handed down, in favour of the FSC.

Despite the Smith confession­s and conviction­s, no attempt has been made to leverage those conviction­s to advance prosecutio­ns in Jamaica. Joseph Hibbert went to his grave with a corruption case hovering over him.

JOSEPH HIBBERT CASE

Joseph Hibbert, MP, minister of state, October 2007-July 2009

November 26, 2008 Oral representa­tions made to the Office of the Contractor General (OCG) by the representa­tives of the Jamaica Constabula­ry Force, the SFO of the United Kingdom, and the British High Commission. Inter alia, Mr Dickson, UKHC second secretary, informed the OCG that “both the British prime minister, Mr Gordon Brown, and the Jamaican PM, the Hon Bruce Golding, were informed about the particular­s of the corruption case against Mabey & Johnson ... . Mr Golding had stated that the law must take its course ... . ”

December 9, 2008 Joseph Hibbert’s home was searched by UK law enforcemen­t. This follows on the SFO request under the Mutual Legal Assistance Criminal Matters Act and pursuant to a Jamaican court order.

July-September 2009 Mabey & Johnson pleads guilty to bribing overseas officials, including Joseph Hibbert, between 1993 and 2001. Documents of the Southwark Crown Court alleged that Hibbert received more than £100,000, roughly doubling his salary during the relevant period. Mabey & Johnson, in pleading guilty, paid a fine of £6.6 million for bribing overseas public officials in Jamaica, Ghana and Iraq.

July 2009 Hibbert resigns as minister of state after meeting with Prime Minister Golding. The resignatio­n letter stated: “In view of the allegation­s of bribery of Jamaican government officials made in the UK Courts by Mabey & Johnson ... . ”

January-October 2009 A special investigat­ion initiated by the OCG in January 2009 concludes in October that Hibbert is guilty of accepting bribes and should be prosecuted. The matter is referred to the ODPP.

March 19, 2010 After study of the OCG’s Special Investigat­ion Report, the DPP rules that not sufficient evidence is available for charges to be made against Hibbert. However, there is “sufficient compelling material” for police to further investigat­e allegation­s of corruption”.

November 2009-2011 Statements, numerous calls in the Jamaican media regarding the Hibbert case, e.g., Gleaner editorial dated February 25, 2011: ‘What of Mr Hibbert?’

Up to 2012 – Hibbert remained in Parliament.

June 15, 2013 – Hibbert dies without ever being prosecuted and thereby being afforded the opportunit­y to clear his name or otherwise.

In September 2014, the OAS Peer Review of Jamaica, in accordance with the InterAmeri­can Convention Against Corruption, observed in its final report “that the country ... should consider addressing the lack of prosecutio­ns or actions undertaken by the Office of the DPP, whether it is an issue of priorities or resources”.

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