Jamaica Gleaner

Constituti­onal reform - unfinished business

- Carolyn Gomes GUEST COLUMNIST

EVER WONDER how it is that the average American citizen seems so familiar with his or her constituti­onal rights? It is not by accident. The State takes deliberate actions to ensure that citizens are informed about, and feel empowered by, the constituti­onal protection­s. Its various provisions and amendments are invoked at every opportunit­y in national policy discussion­s. Think, for example, of the debates in the US about gun control, or some groups’ freedom of expression or speech, or about the limits of the power of the president. The constituti­on frames the discussion­s.

In Jamaica, we have a far way to go to make our Constituti­on be a widely familiar and well-referenced tool that truly empowers and protects every citizen and strengthen­s our framework for governance.

The Jamaica Civil Society Forum (formerly Coalition) and the Caribbean Vulnerable Communitie­s Coalition have recently collaborat­ed on research that shows that despite the more than 40 years of talking about, and slowly acting on, constituti­onal reform, the majority of recommenda­tions have not been implemente­d.

The research is aptly titled Unfinished Business: An Analysis of Constituti­onal Reform in Jamaica. It documents a long, sporadic process, with some important moments of consultati­on and participat­ion such as happened in the 1990s, but with limited impact on the outcomes. Even recommenda­tions of official bodies such as the Constituti­onal Commission that operated between 1992 and 1994 had little impact on the decisions of the Parliament. Of the approximat­ely 49 proposals presented by the commission, only 17 were adopted and resulted in amendments. Most, but not all, amendments that were accepted were in relation to introducin­g new rights. Virtually none dealt with the structure of government and political process.

Every genuine right added to the Constituti­on is a welcomed developmen­t. The Charter of Fundamenta­l Rights and Freedoms, eventually passed in 2011, added a few ‘socio-economic’ rights to the ‘civic’ rights of the Independen­ce Constituti­on and ensures greater protection to individual­s against abuse by the State.

These are important rights that we need to ensure everyone is fully aware of, understand­s, and begins to take steps to exercise and to challenge duty-bearers to carry out their responsibi­lity to uphold. Take the right to a healthy environmen­t, for example. It is being breached every day. When we demand action be taken to address poor environmen­tal management such as at the Riverton dump, we are to understand that the improvemen­ts we seek are a RIGHT subject to protection that we can pursue all the way to the courts, if necessary. The role of our various civic groups and institutio­ns like the Office of the Public Defender is important in aiding us to stand up for our rights.

CONSTRAINT­S ON RIGHTS

Although the Charter of Rights and Fundamenta­l Freedoms is an advance, some of the constituti­onal reform recommenda­tions called for us to go further. The Parliament, however, appears to be timid. It has not acted on the recommenda­tion to ensure that all citizens are protected from discrimina­tion on the basis of disability, health status, if they speak Patois, have a mental illness, or are different in sexual orientatio­n and gender identity.

These have been recommende­d for inclusion in the anti-discrimina­tion provisions of the Constituti­on but remain left out. Although a Disability Act was passed in 2014 and addresses discrimina­tion, the law still cannot be enforced, as an effective date has not been establishe­d by either the previous or present government. The greatest constraint on our rights as citizens is, however, the savings clause in the

Constituti­on that preserves laws which predate the Charter of Rights from challenge. Where courts would regularly review laws to determine their constituti­onality, the savings clause prohibits such review from ever occurring, thus restrictin­g the applicatio­n of new constituti­onal interpreta­tions, and underminin­g the natural checks and balances that apply in all other situations.

While the intended consequenc­es were, it appears, to constrain the rights that can be claimed by LGBT Jamaicans and to preserve the death penalty, denying access to rights for some diminishes the rights of all.

In comparison to the progress made on rights, it is clear that important political reforms are being studiously ignored. There has been no movement on recommenda­tions to allow for impeachmen­t of parliament­arians and public-sector officials, or recall of non-performing members of Parliament. There has been no move to implement a fixed date for general elections, or term limits for prime ministers and there is seemingly no appetite for doing away with the British monarchy as Jamaica’s head of State, or giving important agencies such as the Office of the Public Defender and Electoral Commission greater protection by entrenchme­nt in the Constituti­on, which their own interim legislatio­n calls for. These are matters that have been pending for a few decades. They will not happen unless we the people increase our demand for them.

OVERSIGHTS SPEAK VOLUMES

The foregoing are matters that no doubt need further public discussion. But, there is one aspect of our unfinished constituti­onal reform agenda that is relatively small but important in both symbolism and substance. It is the legal status of the Constituti­on.

It may come as a surprise to many that the Constituti­on we received 55 years ago this year is an Order in Council to a British law, passed by the British Parliament that has, still not been adopted as a law of the independen­t Jamaican Parliament. How and why has this been overlooked for the entire time that we have been an independen­t nation? With the 55th anniversar­y of our Independen­ce in view, this oversight speaks volumes about the extent of true ownership of the Constituti­on by us as a people.

The Constituti­on is a central foundation in the journey of nation building.

All societies undergo change over time, with changing norms and expectatio­ns. Constituti­onal reform should, therefore, become an ongoing agenda item. So that the process is truly ‘owned’ by all the people, we must have a meaningful and substantiv­e role in the deliberati­on and shaping of the constituti­onal reform agenda and process.

We need a genuine process of awareness-raising and public participat­ion. A structured programme of education is necessary, not only in the formal school system but through our various organisati­ons at the community and national level.

It is time to let the Constituti­on live.

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