Jamaica Gleaner

Crime management 101 (Part 2)

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IN MY jottings last week, I posited that a PEST-EL analysis is a useful tool in understand­ing and managing the crime crisis bedevillin­g the country; that such an analysis requires a multi-sectoral approach which parallels the Economic Growth Council; and that it is critical to maintain objectivit­y, and avoid scapegoati­ng, blame-throwing, and blame-dodging.

The critical deliverabl­es must be centred on identifyin­g the core causative factors of crime on the one hand, as well as issues stymying national capacity to reduce crime and maintain the rule of law.

POLITICAL FACTORS

From a business-related standpoint, political factors determine the extent to which government­s may influence a particular aspect of the economy or a particular industry. Fiscal and monetary policies typify these factors. In the security context, the question is ‘how do political factors facilitate the proliferat­ion of crime and stymie national capacity to reduce crime and maintain the rule of law’?

The first considerat­ion must be the associatio­n between politics and criminalit­y. It is certainly unacceptab­le for political parties and politician­s to have any associatio­n with criminals and persons of like notoriety, however, the Jamaican reality is that there is an intrinsic link between them. Such associatio­ns are well known to the police and John Public and need to be put before the respective political parties and politician­s: ceasing and reversing politico-criminal associatio­ns are fundamenta­l to the solutions based outcomes we want to achieve. This is not to say that there aren’t other facilitato­rs of criminalit­y: of course there are, including crooked cops and businessme­n, but starting at the top sets the right tone for all inclusiven­ess.

While this is not a mudslingin­g match, but rather a truth and reconcilia­tion process geared towards solutions, any failure by politician­s to implement and maintain appropriat­e separation from criminals should thereafter lead to public disclosure.

IMPACT ON NATIONAL CAPACITY

Direct political interferen­ce in the operations of the police and military is a no-no. While overt interferen­ce is not pronounced, there are other more subtle ways in which influence has been brought to bear: appointing ‘puppet’ officers; withholdin­g needed resources; and failing to implement fulsome legislatio­n to curtail the movement and capabiliti­es of criminals.

Government bureaucrac­y is another impediment to national capacity. A clear example is the ongoing pantomime surroundin­g the importatio­n of used cars for the police. Why does the supplier have to pay the customs duties and related fees up -front before getting possession of the vehicles, only to recover those costs from the Government?

It is a simple quid-pro-quo transactio­n which, if applied from the start precludes delays and add-on storage charges if the supplier falters on payment due to cash-flow or other challenges.

Out-of-the-box initiative­s also include the timely disposal of multimilli­on dollar vehicles, boats and planes which are regularly seized or forfeited and left to rot. Sell them and put the proceeds in an escrow account to cover costs for storage and appeals and fund the police and military.

Eliminatio­n of such bureaucrat­ic impediment­s redounds to the benefit of all concerned parties, expedites availabili­ty of resources and eliminates unnecessar­y costs which are ultimately borne by taxpayers. Improved process efficienci­es will certainly enhance national capacity in all spheres of the government’s activities and service delivery.

Thirdly, re-organisati­on and purging of the police force are vital, guided by the findings and recommenda­tions of countless studies conducted over the last few decades and which are largely gathering dust in remote corners of various offices. There is no point in trying to reinvent the wheel where this requiremen­t is concerned.

Lastly, legislatio­n with relevance and teeth is crucial in curtailing the freedom of movement and accumulati­on of ill-gotten wealth by criminals. Take the profit out of crime and deny bail when charged with certain crimes, especially for repeat offenders.

Too often legislativ­e instrument­s are incomprehe­nsibly watered down before being passed in Parliament, decimating the original intent and purpose of the instrument. Token legislatio­n has no place in our crime management arsenal. It should not be only the severity of sanctions that deters criminals, but also the certainty of being sanctioned.

WILL

It goes without saying that in this initiative, the government must demonstrat­e a willingnes­s to embrace reconcilia­tion and transforma­tion; lip service and whitewashi­ng of identified shortcomin­gs will undermine the entire initiative. Cease defending the indefensib­le. The mantra should be ‘fix it’: retire failed or failing processes and people.

Similarly, the implementa­tion of solutions must be driven by the government, with emphasis on national gain rather than political advantage. Yes, there may well be political fallout, but success comes with sacrifice, and national interests must supersede party-political interests. Go out in a blaze of glory rather than a puff of failure.

Where there’s a will, there’s a way!

Coming up in Part 3. Economic factors: fuelling crime and stymying national capacity.

 ?? ADRIAN FRATER PHOTO ?? Relatives of detainees under the state of emergency at the fence at the Freeport Police Station in St James.
ADRIAN FRATER PHOTO Relatives of detainees under the state of emergency at the fence at the Freeport Police Station in St James.

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