Jamaica Gleaner

The developmen­t of the peasantry, 1838 to 1900 – Part 1

- DEBBION HYMAN CONTRIBUTO­R Debbion Hyman is an independen­t contributo­r. Send questions and comments to kerry-ann.hepburn@gleanerjm.com

OBJECTIVES

At the end of the lesson, you should be able to:

1. List three British Caribbean territorie­s which developed an active peasantry.

2. Describe three factors that facilitate­d the developmen­t of a Caribbean peasant population and the growth of the free village movement in the Caribbean towards the end of the 19th century.

One of the defining tenets of the British Caribbean peasantry was the ability of the people to control the land that they used and the time and labour they employed on that land. As a consequenc­e of this requiremen­t, the peasantry in the Caribbean began after 1838 with the freed people who moved off the estates and who establishe­d their own small holdings of an average size of about two acres. The reasons for the setting up of the peasantry are many but, at the root, they all reflect the freed people’s desire to move off the plantation­s, which had been their place of abuse, and to seek out lives for themselves which they controlled.

Additional­ly, by being skilled agricultur­alists, the move to an agricultur­ally based subsistenc­e lifestyle was one that gave them comfort. The developmen­t of the peasantry in the British Caribbean, in terms of its growth and in terms of the ability of the freed people to engage in it, was, however, limited by the unavailabi­lity of land. Hence, the peasantry developed only in a few of the territorie­s, such as Jamaica, Trinidad, the Windwards and British Guiana. These places had available land which could have been utilised for peasant production by the freed people.

From the outset, one notes that the growth of the peasantry was not in keeping with the aim of the plantation. This was because both activities competed for the labour of the freed people. In this context, therefore, one can understand that although the peasants did in fact often work on the plantation­s as part-time wage earners, in general, however, their orientatio­n was in opposition to the plantation. This occurred because they were always looking for more land to expand the peasantry and, by so doing, making their labour less available to the estates. Thus, the two main inputs of the plantation, land and labour, were the two main inputs also required by the peasantry.

With no surprise, therefore, we learn that the plantocrac­y often pursued policies to hamper the growth of the peasantry and keep its labour tied to the estates. These policies included strategies like raising the price of landholdin­gs to make it too expensive for the peasants (peasants often paid £20 per acre of land, which could be raised to as much as £200 per acre), as well as to pursue strategies that would lead the peasants into a form of debt peonage. The effectiven­ess to these policies were, however, limited by the planter’s own indebtness and their own need to secure labour through the offering of incentives to the peasant labour force.

The peasantry was a mixed one and the peasants pursued a number of economic activities which were not all tied to their own plots of cultivated land. To this end, they fished and carried on shopkeepin­g and hucksterin­g, in addition to part-time jobs on the estates. Their land use differed from that of the plantation and resulted in the setting up of smallholdi­ngs and villages away from the plantation. Indeed, in British Guiana, for example, by 1852, peasant smallholdi­ngs were valued at over £1 million and numbered about 11,000, while in Jamaica, the smallholdi­ngs, under 50 acres, had grown to 50,000.

Historians studying the developmen­t of the Caribbean peasantry have identified three stages in its growth. First, a period of establishm­ent which lasted from 1838 up until 1850-60, second, a period of consolidat­ion which followed on and lasted until 1900 and, third, a period of saturation which lasted from 1900 to the present. During these phases, the peasantry establishe­d itself as a force for change in the Caribbean and also demonstrat­ed that it too was a changing force. As such, the size of the smallholdi­ng increased over time (especially in order to remain as viable units), as the focus changed to cash crops and to the export market. One realises, therefore, that the peasantry was always a dynamic force that experience­d different phases in its developmen­t.

An important developmen­tal aspect of the peasantry was its move from an activity providing initial subsistenc­e for the freed people to one geared towards the production and export of cash crops and products. To this end, we note that the peasants produced export crops and products such as arrowroot, cotton, sugar, bananas, citrus, logwood, rum, spices, coffee, cocoa, ginger and pimento. The peasantry also introduced new crops and diversifie­d the monocultur­e of the sugar economies. By their activities, they, ultimately, led to a level of self-sufficienc­y for the colonies that was never attained in the previous years under enslavemen­t. Indeed, by removing the focus from the plantation, the peasantry directly stimulated the growth of an independen­t village life for the freed people with the associated services and amenities such as churches, schools and markets. Indeed, the developmen­t of the cooperativ­es in the Caribbean has been traced to this peasant developmen­t.

Ultimately, the growth of the peasantry in the

British Caribbean was one that succeeded not because of, but largely in spite of the colonial authoritie­s. Since the peasants consisted largely of the freed people and they were competing with the estates, no real encouragem­ent was given to them by the local government­s. Agricultur­al innovation and assistance that could easily have been provided by the state were denied these peasants. Indeed, it was not until the later part of the 19th century, with the agitation of the period and reports like those of the Royal West India Commission of 1897 (which pointed out that the peasantry was “a source of both economic and political strength”), were the peasants taken seriously. In spite of these realizatio­ns, however, little had actually been done in terms of official support, and the Caribbean peasantry has still continued to exist largely because of the resilience of its participan­ts.

ACTIVITY

Extended Writing

Imagine that you are a journalist in Trinidad in the 1890s and assigned to the newspaper the Trinidad Times. Write an article for the newspaper in which you examine the factors that led to the developmen­t of the peasantry in the island.

SOURCES

1. A Post Emancipati­on History of the West Indies – Isaac Dookhan

2. Freedoms Won: Caribbean Emancipati­ons, Ethnicitie­s and Nationhood – Hilary Beckles & Verene Shepherd

3. Notes on Peasant Developmen­t in the West Indies since 1838 – Woodville Marshall

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