Jamaica Gleaner

Responding to changing attitudes to migration

- David Jessop David Jessop is a consultant to the Caribbean Council. david.jessop@caribbeanc­ouncil.org Editor’s Note: David Jessop will be on vacation for the month of August.

AROUND THE world, migration is redefining domestic and social policy, polarising politics, affecting foreign relations, and challengin­g notions of free movement.

This is because war, hunger, religious hatred, economic inequity, and other push factors are causing the numbers of migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees to surge, triggering fear and uncertaint­y about how to respond.

Most academic studies indicate that all migration, and, over time, the cultural assimilati­on that occurs is positive and beneficial but requires well-policed and fair national policies that are not subject to capricious interpreta­tion or sudden change.

Published research also suggests that the numbers of migrants any nation can readily absorb will be limited by a host of factors, including geographic size, short-term economic impact, a country’s demographi­c profile, the need for particular skills, and proximity to the countries from which migrants are coming.

Regrettabl­y, in the United States and Europe, the policies and values that designed past humanitari­an and pragmatic responses are now being manipulate­d or compromise­d by politician­s who see advantage in actions that are discrimina­tory, increasing­ly inhumane, and selfservin­g.

In Italy, Austria, and Hungary, for example, their government­s have variously introduced measures against migrants that involve fences and walls, holding camps, forcible return, and even the criminalis­ation of citizen support for refugees. The effect is to remind Europe of its dark past and to divide it.

Such measures indicate how rapidly values can change and how sight can be lost of the individual when sentiment turns from sympathy to concern as the magnitude of the problem becomes apparent.

Worse, in democratic nations around the world, nationalis­tic political parties and opportunis­tic authoritar­ian figures are using the issue to propagate unacceptab­le ideas as a means to obtain or retain power. As a consequenc­e, the issue of migration has become a blunt tool that pits emotion, false perception­s, and racism against facts, humanity, and social responsibi­lity.

LARGELY POPULATED

The Caribbean is not immune from this but is, thankfully, still largely populated by rational and humane politician­s and caring citizens.

However, it, too, may be sorely tested if citizen xenophobia grows in nations experienci­ng increasing flows of migrants and refugees from Venezuela and Haiti.

In the case of Haiti, huge numbers of its people continue to want to find a better life elsewhere. Unfortunat­ely, the political and economic situation there may again be deteriorat­ing.

Earlier this month, Haiti’s prime minister and Cabinet resigned following days of widespread rioting and unrest over an IMF-led decision to raise fuel prices, leaving a weakened President Moise struggling to defend his own position and the failure of the country’s security forces to act to restore order.

In parallel, at the southern end of the Caribbean, some 1.5 million Venezuelan­s have left their country since 2014, according to UN Refugee Agency the UNHCR. They have done so to escape the chaos, food shortages, hyperinfla­tion, and violence that are now commonplac­e in their everyday life.

Of the total numbers who have left, some 860,000 have sought asylum or other legal ways to stay in countries across the Americas.

There appear to be no up-todate numbers for the Caribbean. However, a June 2017 UNCHR document indicated there were 40,000 Venezuelan­s in Trinidad, while unknown numbers also continue to flee to Guyana, Curaçao, Aruba, and the Dominican Republic, and more recently, to some OECS nations.

Caribbean reaction has seen sympathy morph gradually into concern and intoleranc­e, with a growing citizen focus on the strain placed on social services, government­s’ inability to finance or manage the complex requiremen­ts of a refugee population, and a widespread belief that consequent levels of crime are increasing.

REFUGEE CAMP

Earlier this year in Trinidad, in an indication of how politicall­y sensitive the issue has become, Prime Minister Keith Rowley reacted to internatio­nal criticism of a decision to repatriate 82 Venezuelan­s by observing tartly that the republic was a small country, had limited space, and could not be turned into “a refugee camp” by the United Nations.

In The Bahamas, where the number of Haitians is now reported to be around 80,000, Prime Minister Dr Hubert Minnis said last year that all irregular migrants in the country, regardless of their nationalit­y, had until the end of the year to return voluntaril­y or be “pursued without respite, arrested, and expelled from The Bahamas”. More recently, in remarks aimed at allaying citizen concerns about free movement within CARICOM, PM Minnis has said that The Bahamas is not a part of the CSME, so free movement does not apply.

The danger in all of this is that it is easy for legitimate concern to be transforme­d by incendiary language into discrimina­tion, a desire to exclude, and ultranatio­nalism.

For instance, in the Dominican Republic, in response to recent civil unrest across the border and a report from the Directorat­e of Dominican Migration indicating that nearly 70,000 Haitians were deported or returned between January and June this year 2018 alone, Pelegrín Castillo, the leader of the small but influentia­l minority party National Progressiv­e Force, repeated his call for the constructi­on of a wall.

Noting that the country was at increasing risk because it shares an island space “with a failed and collapsed state”, he called for his supporters to campaign for government to construct a wall to “demonstrat­e that the problems of Haiti must be solved within its borders”.

What is emerging globally are not so subtle changes in the language used by political figures about refugees, migrants, and migration.

Responsibl­e politician­s in the Caribbean should observe the considered approach being taken, for example, by Guyana and Barbados and spend time establishi­ng robust and fair policies, while explaining how it is possible to marry valid concerns to a measured humanitari­an response.

If they do not do so now, they may find themselves before long being bounced by local demagogues into rhetoric and actions that represent values they and most citizens do not hold.

 ?? AP ?? In this November 24, 2013, file photo, Marie Matte Mayan, 26, sleeps on the floor with her twins, Maudeline and Maudena Pierre, at a shelter in Croix-des-Bouquets, Haiti, after being deported by Dominican Republic authoritie­s. Caribbean countries have...
AP In this November 24, 2013, file photo, Marie Matte Mayan, 26, sleeps on the floor with her twins, Maudeline and Maudena Pierre, at a shelter in Croix-des-Bouquets, Haiti, after being deported by Dominican Republic authoritie­s. Caribbean countries have...
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